(in English) The presented thesis is dealing with the ethics of work in the world as described by ancient Greek poet Hesiod in his famous didactic epos Works and Days. In the first part of the thesis (chapters 1 and 2), it is assumed that Hesiod's ethics are anchored in a particular situation, in which he, as a Boeotian farmer, found himself due to his dispute with his brother Perses. In the next part, firstly three major myths in the Works and Days are analyzed and the importance of work is set in a wider context of Hesiod's religious and ideological beliefs (chapter 3); subsequently our analysis is supplemented by a broader reflection of work, exertion, recreation, good and evil (chapter 4). In conclusion we finally try to answer the question of the place of work in the world order as determined by Zeus' will.

This thesis discusses the differences in the descriptions of and the attitudes towards female courage in the literature of the Classical period. Male authors of this period wrote extensively of the martial and virtuous courage of men, andreíā, yet in some instances labelled courage instead as tólma or thrásos. Tólma and thrásos are even more commonly used in descriptions of female courage, audacity or rashness. How these three words could be used in relation to men and women is discussed, and the fundamental belief of the Classical period that women were not capable of courage is encountered. As courage was outside the nature, phúsis, of a woman, her actions were always more likely to be viewed as tólma or thrásos. To what extent the literature of the period can reflect the lived experience of the ancient Athenian is unknown. However, it is concluded that literary works both impact and are impacted by social and cultural values, such as the view that women should not or could not be courageous.

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This thesis discusses the differences in the descriptions of and the attitudes towards female courage in the literature of the Classical period. Male authors of this period wrote extensively of the martial and virtuous courage of men, andreíā, yet in some instances instead labelled courage as tólma or thrásos. Tólma and thrásos are even more commonly used in descriptions of female courage, audacity or rashness. How these three words could be used in relation to men and women is discussed, and the fundamental belief of the Classical period that women were not capable of courage is encountered. As courage was outside the nature, phúsis, of a woman, her actions were always more likely to be viewed as tólma or thrásos. To what extent the literature of the period can reflect the lived experience of the ancient Athenian is unknown. However, it is concluded that literary works both impact and are impacted by social and cultural values, such as the view that women should not or could not be courageous.

This thesis explores Hellenistic and imperial Greek texts that represent or discuss the river Nile. The thesis makes an original contribution to scholarship by examining such texts in he light of the history of Greek discourse about the Nile and in the context of social, political and cultural changes, and takes account of relevant ancient Egyptian texts. I begin with an introduction that provides a survey of earlier scholarship about the Nile in Greek literature, before identifying three themes central to the thesis: the relationship between Greek and Egyptian texts, the tension between rationalism and divinity, and the interplay between power and literature. I then highlight both the cultural significance of rivers in classical Greek culture, and the polyvalence of the river Nile and its inundation in ancient Egyptian religion and literature. Chapter 1 examines the significance of Diodorus Siculus' representation of the Nile at the beginning of his universal history; it argues that the river's prominence constructs Egypt as a primeval landscape that allows the historian access to the distant past. The Nile is also seen to be useful to the historian as a conceptual parallel for his historiographical project. Whereas Diodorus begins his universal history with the Nile, Strabo closes his universal geography with Egypt; the second chapter demonstrates how Strabo incorporates the Nile into his vision of the new Roman world. Chapter 3 presents a diachronic study of Greek discourse concerning the two major Nilotic problems, the cause of the annual inundation and the location of the sources. It examines first the construction of the debates, and second the transformation of that tradition in Aelius Aristides' Egyptian Oration. The functions of the Nile in Greek praise-poetry are the subject of chapter 4; it is shown that the Nile and its benefactions are used by poets to lay claim to political, religious or cultural authority, and to situate Egypt within an expanding oikoumene. The fifth and final chapter turns to Greek narrative fictions from the imperial period. The chapter demonstrates that the Nile is more familiar than exotic in these texts. It is shown that Xenophon of Ephesus and Achilles Tatius play with the trope of 'novelty' in this very familiar literary landscape, while Heliodorus articulates a more profound disruption of the expected Egyptian tropes, and ultimately replaces Egypt with Ethiopia as a new Nilotic environment.

Recent discoveries near the village of Nea Agathoupoli, in Pieria, Greece have revealed the remains of an ancient town, identifiable with the ancient town of Methone, a putative Eretrian colony founded, according to Plutarch, in ca. 733 BC. From the material excavated so far, the town’s zenith was in the Late Geometric and Archaic periods, well documented by the high amounts of imports from all regions of the ancient world, especially by imported transport vessels. The significant percentage of transport amphorae in comparison to that of fine pottery strongly indicates the settlement's commercial character and suggests that Methone was operating as a redistribution centre which supplied Macedonia's hinterland with goods. This study is based on unpublished pottery analyzed here, for the first time. Among the regions, whose products are most popular in Methone are Chios and Athens, although more Eastern Greek towns such as Samos and Miletus had trading relations with Methone, too. Settlers from the these regions may have established themselves in Methone, but the initiative for the foundation of the town was, most probably, taken by Euboeans, whose activity in the Northern Aegean, in the Geometric period, was strong. Alongside the abundant imported vessels, a large amount of locally made transport vessels was unearthed. These early archaic amphora types (early 6^th century BC), which have also been found in other sites in the Northern Aegean and possibly Northern Ionia, have been known in literature by my study. The discovery of these local transport vessels reveals participation by the local population in trading transactions and manufacture of a product which was packaged and circulated among the Northern Aegean towns. A mixed cultural environment starts to form in archaic Methone and includes Euboeans, Eastern Greeks, local Thracians and others, including Macedonian neighbours. Having emerged as the most powerful military force of the area, the Macedonians residing in nearby Bottiaia, constantly expanding, were, arguably, involved in the commercial activities at Methone. This study suggests that because of Methone's geographical location and proximity to the capital of the Macedonian kingdom, Aigai (modern Vergina), Methone functioned as the capital's face to the sea, as the royal harbour of Macedonia, until it was destroyed by Philip II, in 354 BC when all activities related to trade moved to neighbouring Pydna. Methone's finds together with other Northern Aegean settlements mentioned in this study reveal how important, even indispensable, this part of the ancient world was to the commercial networks of the archaic Mediterranean. The Northern Aegean is, therefore, not only well integrated into networks connecting southern and Eastern Greece, Egypt and the Levantine coast, but constitutes a vital part of them from the 8^th century BC, onwards.

Atos de Paulo e Tecla narra as provações e extraordinários livramentos experimentados por Tecla, uma jovem e bela virgem de Icônio, após tornar-se cristã através da pregação de Paulo. Provavelmente a obra foi composta em meados do século II, o que coincide com o auge da produção dos romances gregos e do florescimento da Segunda Sofística. Embora apresente importantes pontos de contato com o romance antigo e com a literatura cristã canônica, Atos de Paulo e Tecla também se diferencia consideravelmente destes, o que o coloca claramente em um grupo à parte. O objetivo deste trabalho é apresentar uma tradução do texto grego para o português juntamente com um estudo de suas relações com o romance antigo e uma análise de seu contexto. / The Acts of Paul and Thecla narrates the trials and extraordinary deliverance experienced by Thecla, a beautiful young virgin from Iconium, after she became a Christian by Paul\'s preaching. The work was composed in the middle of the second century, simultaneously with the peak of ancient Greek novel production and the flourishing of the Second Sophistic. Despite extensive similarities between the ancient novel, the canonical Christian literature, and The Acts of Paul and Thecla, the latter differs considerably from the other two. This dissertation includes the translation of this narrative from Greek to Portuguese, a study about its correlation with the ancient novel, as well as an analysis of its historical and literary context.

Est-il possible de parler d’un savoir-vivre grec antique ? La sociologie contemporaine définit le code de politesse comme un ensemble de règles proposant des modèles de conduite adaptés aux différentes occasions de rencontre. La pensée grecque antique, quant à elle, ne formula jamais une idée pareille : entre le VIIIe et le Ve siècle av. J.-C., les Grecs semblent plutôt avoir évalué la conduite sociale en fonction d’un principe de correspondance entre d’une part l’aspect et les manières de chaque individu et d’autre part la disposition de son esprit. Ce travail vise à la fois à mettre en lumière les spécificités culturelles de cette idée antique et à étudier les manières dont celle-ci orientait le jugement social. L’analyse est menée par le biais de catégories inspirées des recherches du sociologue américain Erving Goffman, entièrement réélaborées afin de les adapter aux sources. L’attention est d’abord focalisée sur l’épopée homérique, dont l’examen permet de cerner des principes majeurs de la politesse en Grèce ancienne. Ensuite l’étude se concentre sur le rôle social qu’ont eu ces principes aux époques archaïque et classique, notamment en ce qui concerne la conversation, la gestuelle et les occasions de sociabilité. / Is it possible to talk about politeness in ancient Greece ? Modern sociology defines politeness as a system of rules, which establish behavioural patterns in accordance with different social situations. Ancient Greek thought never conceived a similar idea. Instead, between the 8th and the 5th century BC, the Greeks seem to have appraised social conduct through the lens of a principle of correspondence between one’s aspect and demeanour and the virtue of one’s soul. This study aims at shedding light upon the cultural features of this Greek idea, and to outline the ways in which it oriented social judgement. The analysis is conducted through categories inspired by the research of the sociologist Erving Goffman, entirely readapted in order to apply them to ancient sources. The prime focus of the work is on Homer. This is followed by a study of the role of the principles of ancient Greek politeness, as gleaned from the epics, with regard to conversation, gestural expressiveness and meeting occasions in the Archaic and Classical periods. / Si può parlare di buone maniere per la Grecia d’epoca arcaica e classica ? La sociologia contemporanea definisce il codice di buona educazione come un insieme di regole che propongono modelli di comportamento adatti alle diverse occasioni d’incontro. Il pensiero greco antico non formulò mai un’idea simile: tra l’VIII e il V secolo a. C., i Greci sembrano piuttosto aver valutato la condotta sociale in funzione di un principio di corrispondenza tra l’aspetto e le maniere del singolo individuo e la sua virtù spirituale. Questo lavoro si propone di mettere in luce le specificità culturali di tale idea antica e di studiare i modi in cui essa orientava il giudizio sociale. L’analisi è condotta mediante categorie ispirate alle ricerche del sociologo americano Erving Goffman, completamente rielaborate per adattarle alle fonti. Ampio spazio è dedicato allo studio dell’epos omerico, l’esame del quale permette d’individuare alcuni principî di buona educazione tipici della Grecia antica, il cui ruolo sociale in epoca storica viene quindi studiato nell’ambito della conversazione, della gestualità e delle riunioni mondane.

Le phrygien est la langue la plus proche du grec parmi toutes les autres langues indo-européennes. Les isoglosses confirment que ces deux langues ont partagé une phase commune sur les Balkans, avant que les populations phrygiennes ne commencent à migrer vers l’Anatolie autour du XIIe siècle av. J.-C. En dépit de leur parenté génétique, ces deux peuples ont connu des développements historiques différents, ce qui a conduit les Grecs à identifier les Phrygiens comme l’incarnation du stéréotype de l’esclave barbare au Ve siècle av. J.-C. La complexe relation entre Grecs et Phrygiens n’a jamais été étudiée d’un point de vue sociolinguistique. Le but de cette étude est de combler cette lacune. Mon exploration sémantique de l’ethnonyme « Phrygiens », ainsi que mes analyses sociolinguistiques et pragmatiques des passages littéraires grecs et épigraphiques phrygiens permettent une compréhension plus nuancée de la perception réciproque des identités grecque et phrygienne. Au delà de tous les stéréotypes des Phrygiens barbares et esclaves, produits de la vision traditionnelle hellénocentrique qui se dégage des textes grecs, le « renaissance » de la langue phrygienne dans les inscriptions néo-phrygiennes me semble une preuve de la survie de l’identité linguistique et culturelle phrygienne à travers les siècles en Anatolie. La langue est un aspect clé dans la construction de l’identité ethnique et un moyen de résistance dans le cadre d’une culture ou d’un groupe social dominant. J’interprète cette résistance linguistique du phrygien comme une forte revendication identitaire de la part d’un groupe ethnique marginalisé dans le monde hellénisé issu des conquêtes d’Alexandre le Grand. / Scholarship has uncovered several isoglosses which show that Ancient Greek and Phrygian are genetically connected,having shared a common prehistory on the Balkans, before the Phrygian populations started migrating to Anatolia around the 12th century BCE. Despite this linguistic kinship, Greeks and Phrygians underwent different historical developments, which eventually led the Greeks to progressively identify the Phrygians as the incarnation of the stereotype of barbarian slaves in the 5th century BCE, even if, paradoxically, their idiom was the closest one to Greek among all the other Indo-European languages. The complex relationship between Greeks and Phrygians has never been studied from a sociolinguistic point of view, although it seems to me a productive field of investigation. The aim of this study is to fill this gap. My semantic exploration of the ethnonym ‘Phrygians’ as well as my sociolinguistic and pragmatic analyses of significant literary and epigraphic passages has produced a more nuanced understanding of the reciprocal perception of Greek and Phrygian identities, indirectly from the Phrygian inscriptions, directly from the Greek literary texts. Beyond all the stereotypes of the Phrygians as barbarians and slaves, products of the Hellenocentric traditional view that emerges from the literary Greek texts, the “revival” of Phrygian language in the Neo-Phrygian inscriptions in the Roman Era seems to me to be evidence of the survival of linguistic and cultural Phrygian identity through the centuries in Anatolia. This can be interpreted as a striking manifestation of preservation of diversity in the Hellenized world that emerged from Alexander’s conquest.