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The problem definition of the essay is established by the gendergap that has shown its significance in the refugee migration between 2010 and 2016. The purpose of the essay is to examine the Swedish parliament parties suggestions about the gender mainstreaming of the family migration. The relevance of the family migration research depends on the fact that the category is the only one with women majority. That depend, as previous research has shown, on the circumstances women experiencing in their home countries and on their way to Europe. Except the gender mainstreaming of the suggestions the content and the change of these has also been analyzed. The method of the essay is a qualitative textual analysis where the mainstreaming strategy has converted to a flow chart to answer the research question. The results has shown that only a few parties have included a gender perspective to their suggestions. The results has also shown that the Social Democrats, the Green Party, the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats have changed their conclusions on the subject since 2010. It is also a fact that these parties has converged their content towards the Sweden Democrat’s.

Mäns våld mot kvinnor och maktstrukturer är områden som flitigt diskuterats i allt från kvinnojourers rapporter till statens offentliga utredningar. I många av diskussionerna framkommer det att utländska kvinnor som invandrar till Sverige genom snabba anknytningar är särskilt utsatta för våld i sina äktenskap och samboförhållanden. Många gånger råkar utländska kvinnor illa ut på grund av bristande kunskaper i samhället gällande det våld utländska kvinnor utsätts för av sina män. Uppsatsens syfte är att utreda och analysera våldsutsatta utländska kvinnors möjligheter att lämna mannen och söka uppehållstillstånd på en annan grund än anknytning. Till hjälp för att uppnå syftet tillämpas rättsdogmatiska metoden, kunskapskällemetoden och genusperspektivet. Metoderna och perspektivet tillämpas för att belysa våldsutsatta utländska kvinnors möjligheter i samhället kontra maktstrukturer som råder mellan våldsutsatta utländska kvinnor och svenska män.För att få resa in och vistas i Sverige krävs det att en utländsk person har någon form av uppehållstillstånd. Personen som ansöker om uppehållstillstånd kan antingen beviljas tidsbegränsat eller permanent uppehållstillstånd. På grund av oroligheterna i världen och den ökade invandringen till Sverige infördes en lag om begränsningar kring vilka utlänningar som ska beviljas uppehållstillstånd. Begränsningarna kom även att påverka den grupp kvinnor som uppsatsen fokuserar på, utländska kvinnor som invandrar genom anhöriginvandring till en man bosatt i Sverige. I uppsatsen beskrivs regleringen kring anhöriginvandring och vilka utredningar som ska göras innan kvinnan beviljas uppehållstillstånd. Bland annat ska kvinnan beviljas tidsbegränsat uppehållstillstånd i två år enligt tvåårsregel i UtlL. I vissa fall förekommer våld eller annan allvarlig kränkning mot kvinnor som har tidsbegränsat uppehållstillstånd. I de fallen kan kvinnor beviljas fortsatt uppehållstillstånd trots att förhållandet inte varat i två år. I uppsatsen skildras även kvinnojourer och kvinnorättsorganisationers arbete samt erfarenheter men även problem som de möter i sitt arbete. Kvinnojourer vittnar bland annat om vilka svårigheter utländska kvinnor kan möta när de försöker bryta upp från sin våldsutövande man. Exempel på svårigheter är språksvårigheter och fysiska samt psykiska svårigheter att ta sig ut i samhället då männen isolerar kvinnorna. Kvinnojourer skildrar även hur samhället påverkar och upprätthåller en fördom mot utländska kvinnor att de ofta ljuger för att beviljas uppehållstillstånd samt att det finns en tröghet när det gäller att hjälpa utländska våldsutsatta kvinnor. Avslutningsvis analyseras, utreds och diskuteras våldsutsatta utländska kvinnors möjligheter i det svenska samhället. I analysen framkommer det att utländska våldsutsatta kvinnor har en teoretisk möjlighet att lämna mannen och beviljas permanent uppehållstillstånd dock finns det vissa problem som gör att kvinnorna ändå råkar illa ut.

In the autumn of 2022 Sweden stands before a pivotal moment in its migration policy. A new government intends to impose significantly stricter requirements on immigration to the country and thereby adapt the regulatory framework to the minimum level provided by EU law. Yet action towards this adaption was taken already in 2016, when an extended maintenance requirement for family reunification was introduced in Law 2016:752 concerning temporary restrictions on the granting of permanent residence permits for asylum seekers. The requirement meant that a third country national living in Sweden, who wanted a family member to live in the country, had to be able to financially support both themselves and the family member. They would also have to provide a home of sufficient size and standard for them all to live in.  In 2021 the extended resources requirement was introduced as a permanent feature in the Swedish Aliens Act. At that time several referral institutes had advised against this implementation in the preparatory works before the law, raising questions as to whether the requirement would be so strict that it would effectively prevent family reunification and reinforce marginalization. Even the government conceded that the extended resources requirement would affect women and men differently, potentially causing women sponsors to fail to live up to the requirement and women migrants to become more financially dependent on their partners. From this conflict of interests sprung the purpose of this thesis, which is to examine the relation between the extended resources requirement in the Aliens Act and the right to family life for adult sponsors and their adult family members from a gender law perspective.  The thesis finds that the introduction of the extended resources requirement in the Swedish Aliens Act marks a permanent adaption of the provision to a level close to the minimum standard provided in the Family Reunification Directive. According to article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, Member States wanting to limit the right to family life need to undertake a proportionality analysis before imposing such restrictions on individuals. For limitations in family reunification to be justified, they thus need be to be duly motivated. While no negative obligation to enable family reunification for Member States can be ascertained through this article, it still ascribes a certain positive duty for Member States to ensure the reunion of families. In this respect the extended resources requirement does not appear to be entirely satisfactory. The implementation of the requirement in 2021 was motivated by a will to adapt the requirement to the minimum level provided in the Family Reunification Directive, to encourage integration and to lower public costs. While the adaption of the requirement to the minimum level provided by EU law seems correctly executed, queries can be raised whether it causes the prohibiting of family reunification to such an extent that it undermines the purpose of the directive. This contention is supported by research suggesting that reuniting with one’s family is a key factor behind immigrants’ motivation to integrate in a society. In this respect, the extended resources requirement does not appear to fully comply with article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights.  Research also indicates that women are disproportionally affected by the extended resources requirement. Women sponsors work temporary and insecure jobs to a greater extent than men, and thereby risk failing to comply with the extended resources requirement. Simultaneously, women relatives risk becoming financially dependent on their partners when they immigrate to Sweden and are supported by them from the start, causing these women to stand even further away from the job market and other integrational measures. In its essence, the extended resources requirement enforces existing dichotomies between the state and the individual, the public and the private, notions of “us” and “them” and the inherent meaning of “man” and “woman” that contribute to enforcing gender roles and disintegration. This implies that the requirement does not live up to its proposed integrational effects and subsequently, that the extended resources requirement is not entirely purposeful.