This work deals with the evolution of the topics of Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Czechoslovakia between the years 1945-1953. It is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the definition of the concepts of Zionism, Anti-Zionism and Anti-Semitism, thus comprising the theoretical framework of the thesis. The second part analyzes the political historical developments in the era of 1945-1953, during which the Communist Party seizes power. Described here is also the importance of the establishment of the State of Israel in the context of the development of Soviet-Israeli relations and Czechoslovak-Israeli relations. These relations later developed the attitudes towards the Jewish communities. In the third part, the work deals with the stance of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia towards Jews. It views the stance as an overlapping combination of Anti-Semite and Anti-Zionist positions, which culminates in the political trials of the 1950s. It also shows an interesting contrast whereas during that same time, the Communists allowed the grand re-opening of the Pinkas Synagogue Memorial, honoring the victims of the Holocaust. The interplay between the Communists and Jews was neither wholly positive, nor entirely negative; both sides of the stance can be demonstrated. They are influenced by...

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The study aims to investigate what didactic strategies teachers use to prevent and counteract anti-Semitism in the classroom. The study aims to use a qualitative method to investigate the experiences, strategies, and how they perceive the concept of anti-Semitism. We used semi-structured interviews with four history teachers at three different schools in Southern Sweden. The interviews were analyzed based on their conceptual definition of anti-Semitism; stories important in history teaching linked to history culture. The study contains theoretical definitions of the concepts of anti-Semitism, historical consciousness, history culture, and narrative. The empirical material showed that teachers largely shared views of the concept of anti-Semitism as negative and expressions described as Jew-hatred. The history teachers also had similar views on which didactic choices and strategies they considered beneficial in the work to combat anti-Semitism. Further, the empirical material also showed that study trips were considered good strategies in countering anti-Semitism, especially in the future perspective, when students in recent years understood the purpose of the trips. The results also showed that economic conditions mainly govern the possibility of travel, but that everyone considered it a good thing. The results of the survey are not representative of history teachers throughout Sweden, their understanding and didactic choices cannot be generalized. However, this study can help shed light on how to work to counter anti-Semitism and strategies for dealing with Holocaust education.

Throughout his life Gustav Mahler (1860-1911) was aware of his role as an outsider and had a deeply conflicted view of his identity. The challenges he faced as a Jew in an overwhelmingly Christian and increasingly anti-Semitic Central Europe, as a German speaker in predominantly Czech speaking Bohemia and Moravia, as a Czech in the Austrian empire, and as an Austrian in a highly militarized but rapidly declining empire in the face of increasing pan-German nationalism, all contributed to this status. At the same time, his diverse early background provided a rich variety of musical experience, leading to an openness to musical influences that would accompany him throughout his career. Mahler was one of the first German modernists. His approach to the symphony was unique, revolutionary and widely misunderstood. By stretching the boundaries of structure and content with references to childhood, nature and the sounds and images of everyday life, through the deliberate, unsettling juxtaposition of the banal and the sublime, and through the use of voice and text, he used the symphony as a vehicle for personal reflection and exploration. Mahler’s primary forms of composition were Lieder and symphonies, and as his career progressed the two became inexorably intertwined. His music has been described as Weltanschauungsmusik - music that expresses a world outlook. Driven by a desire to engage with the symphonic tradition, his works included the first non-programmatic choral symphonies since Beethoven. This study focuses on particular aspects of Mahler’s compositional style to demonstrate his continuous search for identity: the references to and quotations from his own songs, from the works of other composers, and from sources such as Jewish/Central European folk music; the rhythmic influence of dances and marches as social references and indicators; the use of non-traditional instrumentation, timbre and sound effects to provide emphasis, coloration and contrast; and the symphonic use of vocal music to explore religious and philosophical beliefs.

The thesis is comprised of four parts. The first, consisting of two chapters, challenges some generally accepted views about the 1930's as a whole and emphasises the change in political consciousness that occurred in the minds of ordinary people. The ideology of the B. U. F. is analysed in the context of the decade. The second part, consisting of five chapters, provides a detailed history of the B. U. F. in the North of England from the days of its precursor, the New Party, to the detention of the leading B. U. F. members in 1940- Much of the history of the movement is concerned with Manchester though attention is also paid to other areas in the North of England. The 1938 Manchester municipal elections also receive attention, because of the campaigns waged by the B. U. F. candidates. This is the first major regional study of the B. U. F. The third part deals with the ordinary membership of the B. U. F. in the North of England. The two chapters in this section assess previous judgements regarding B. U. P. membership and make use of interviews and unpublished manuscripts to provide the most detailed analysis of the membership of a British Pascist party. The final part of the thesis consistsq firstlyq of a detailed account of the reaction of the Jewish community, both nationally and in-thrighesterg to the anti-Semitism of the B. U. P., and, secondly, the attitude of the police, judiciary, local authorities and the government to the rise of the British Union of Fascists.

Through an analysis of the details of The Merchant of Venice, I will show that a costume design which only satisfies the basic role of articulating the relationships, status, time and place, etc of the play but has no point of view regarding that text’s inherent assumptions will always support, rather than subvert, any problematic issues present therein. Secondly, I will show that without tandem movement from the creative team, no rehabilitation or subversion is possible.

This thesis provides an examination of the emergence and development of Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the Midlands between 1932 and 1940. It charts the fascist presence in four major cities: Birmingham, Stoke-on-Trent, Coventry and Leicester. The BUF is the largest and most important fascist movement to have ever existed in Britain. Mosleyite fascism in the Midlands as a region has never before been investigated and represents a significant gap in the historiography of British fascist studies. Alongside affording valuable insight into Mosleyite fascism at the regional level, the study will illuminate further understanding of the BUF nationally. The fascist experience in the Midlands is used to test and contribute to arguments about the national movement in the secondary literature relating to three themes: (a) the social class composition of BUF membership; (b) the strength of BUF membership; and (c) the focus of BUF propaganda. Finally, four main areas generally recognised as the reasons for national failure are discussed to explain the long-term marginalisation of the BUF in the Midlands.

Initially an attempt is made to present an overview of the interpretations of the meaning of Fascism. In a presentation of the views of Renzo De Felice and Zeev Sternhell the opinions of the latter are highlighted. It appears that Stemhell's conclusions better explain Italian Fascism, as well as Nazism, although Sternhell has not extensively described Nazism. His conclusions can also be used to illustrate the fact that most characteristics of Nazism and Fascism were identical, something which De Felice denies. This also applies to anti-Semitism. Then follows an analysis of the origin of the Fascist ideology, and it is stated that this ideology, both in Germany and in Italy originated in the "frn-de-siècle crisis", the anti-positive climate which existed at the end of the 19th century. This climate included a reaction against what was regarded as "decadence". It is maintained that amongst a number of Italian and German intellectuals there existed a number of similar ideas, such as for instance contempt for monetary economy, pacifism, intellectualism, the calm bourgeois life, liberalism, democracy and socialism. In the same environments violence and youth started to be glorified, and finally the modern world was accused of being egotistical and without ideals. It is in this environment that the core of Nazi- Fascism is to be found, a core to which other elements were later added. In later chapters Fascist agricultural policy is discussed in relation to earlier Italian cultural tendencies which had placed great importance on agricultural society. It is pointed out that agricultural policy was an important part of the Fascist ideology. Finally Mussolini's ideas on this subject are described, and it is maintained that the myth of the citizen/small scale farmer/soldier in ancient Rome became, in all important aspects, a part of the agricultural ideology of Fascism. It is shown here that this idea is in harmony with the general philosophy of Fascism. Subsequently, an overview of corporativism and its predecessors in Italian history are presented. Here it is stated that corporativism was a corner-stone of Fascist ideology. Thereafter the basic principals of corporativism are described as well as its tangible contents, and some important suggestions for interpretation are presented. The role of corporativism during the short period that the Italian Socialist Republic existed, is also a subject for discussion. Although this republic was scarcely of any military, economic or political importance, it was not without interest from an ideological point of view, taking into consideration the ideas it presented concerning working life. Finally, in a chapter describing the International University of Perugia, the manner in which Fascist ideology was implemented in concrete situations within the educational sector is investigated. The public support for Fascism appears to have been almost unanimous, but at the same time mostly of a formal nature. If a general conclusion can be drawn from this study, it is that Fascism and its ideology were in reality only of minor importance to education at the university level. In the conclusion it is stated that, despite the obvious contradictions, Fascism had a relatively complete; ideology, which was quite closely related to Nazism. / digitalisering@umu

Focusing on the period 1940–1942, this thesis investigates the nature of the relationship between the Vichy regime and Jews of French citizenship who found themselves under its control. Despite Vichy’s implication in the Holocaust, this study examines the possibility for convergence, however partial and temporary, between Vichy’s plans for regeneration and Jewish ambitions to participate in the New Order. This investigation aims to explain the seemingly contradictory circumstances in which a French Jew could be at once persecuted under Vichy’s anti-Semitic legislation, and rewarded for the promotion of certain French values by the government’s programme of National Revolution. This unstudied dilemma is explored in this thesis through an examination of French Jewish youth. An analysis of this social category provides a point of entry into the ambivalences of Vichy’s policies. While Vichy enacted legislation in order to marginalise Jewish participation in the national community, the regime was also emphatically in favour of French Jewish youth contributing to the National Revolution. Methodologically this study moves away from the long-established categories of resistance, rescue and persecution. Rather than merely examining Jewish youth’s activities during the establishment of the Vichy regime as a period of formation and preparation for later resistance or rescue activity, this study seeks to investigate the ways in which, from 1940–1942, the Vichy regime and French Jewish youth sought to coexist. This aspect of the war years has almost entirely disappeared from France’s collective memory and from the historiographical debates over Vichy and the Jews.

Au croisement de l’histoire des juifs d’Algérie et de celle du mouvement anticolonialiste algérien, cette thèse analyse les trajectoires de la minorité de juifs algériens qui ont participé à la lutte anticolonialiste, de l’entre-deux-guerres à leur départ d’Algérie indépendante (survenu le plus souvent à la fin des années 1960).Avant l’étude biographique à proprement parler, la première partie interroge quand et pourquoi « les juifs » forment, dans les discours et pratiques de l’administration et des mouvements politiques, une catégorie politique en Algérie coloniale, et confronte ces discours et ces pratiques à la diversité des subjectivités politiques qui s’affirment parmi les juifs d’Algérie des années 1930 à 1962.Premier moment de l’étude biographique, la seconde partie s’intéresse au processus de « devenir-Algérien » qui touche les hommes et femmes étudiés, qui grandissent dans l’ordre du monde de l’Algérie coloniale et développent un rapport dissident à ce monde autour d’un moment de rupture structurant dans la plupart des trajectoires : Vichy. Dans ce cadre, lesmouvements de jeunesse et d’étudiants communistes sont analysés comme un des lieux d’incubation, entre 1946 et 1954, d’une algérianité fondée sur une radicalité politique et des sociabilités transgressives au regard de l’ordre social colonialEnfin, la troisième partie, consacrée aux parcours de ces militants pendant la guerre d’indépendance et en Algérie indépendante, met en lumière la confrontation entre les algérianités qui s’inventent dans les épreuves de la guerre et l’algérianité officielle que les élites du nouvel État imposent dans les premiers mois de l’indépendance / This dissertation, at the crossroads of the history of the Algerian Jews and the Algerian anticolonial movement, studies the trajectories of the minority of Algerian Jews who shared in the struggle against colonialism, during the period spanning the end of the First World War to their departure from an independent Algeria mostly at the end of the 1960s.The first part, coming before the actual biographical study, looks at the timeframe and reasons "the Jews" of colonial Algeria are considered to be a political entity by the administration and the political movements, and confronts this political discourse and these practices with the many political subjectivities that emerged among the Algerian Jewish population from 1930 to 1962.The second part introduces the actual biographical study and looks at the process of Algerian identification that the male and female study population is engaged in, men and women who grew up under a colonial world order definition and who developed a dissident attitude to that order, with the Vichy era appearing to be, in most cases, the clenching factor for this break. In this context, the Youth and Student Communist movements, from 1946 to 1954, are approached as hotbeds for a politically radical Algerianness and transgressive sociabilities in view of the colonial social order.Lastly, the third part focuses on the journeys of those militants during the Algerian War of independence and after, and highlights the conflict between the Algerian identities that emerged during the trials of the War for independence and the official version of a national identity the governing elite of the new State decided to impose in the first months followingindependence