This work deals with the evolution of the topics of Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism in Czechoslovakia between the years 1945-1953. It is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the definition of the concepts of Zionism, Anti-Zionism and Anti-Semitism, thus comprising the theoretical framework of the thesis. The second part analyzes the political historical developments in the era of 1945-1953, during which the Communist Party seizes power. Described here is also the importance of the establishment of the State of Israel in the context of the development of Soviet-Israeli relations and Czechoslovak-Israeli relations. These relations later developed the attitudes towards the Jewish communities. In the third part, the work deals with the stance of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia towards Jews. It views the stance as an overlapping combination of Anti-Semite and Anti-Zionist positions, which culminates in the political trials of the 1950s. It also shows an interesting contrast whereas during that same time, the Communists allowed the grand re-opening of the Pinkas Synagogue Memorial, honoring the victims of the Holocaust. The interplay between the Communists and Jews was neither wholly positive, nor entirely negative; both sides of the stance can be demonstrated. They are influenced by...

Antisemitism is a word connected with the rise of the Third Reich during the 30s and 40s in Europe. But it is still very relevant today with alt-right movements growing and becoming stronger. This essay aims to show how the growing alt-right movements in Sweden expresses their antisemitic ideologies. Studies has shown that antisemitism has become stronger and more spread across Europe and Sweden. This essay will explain different scenarios from the past two years, which are connected to antisemitism in Sweden. These scenarios will later be analysed through different methods. Examples from alt-right websites and twitter accounts will also be presented to contribute to a thorough analysis. Later a parallel will be drawn between the scenarios and the ideologies of the Third Reich.

Uppsatsen handlar om hur fyra judiska personer upplever antisemitism i Sverige. De har svarat på frågor som rör två teman, antisemitism och Israelkritik/antisionism. Informanterna har inte personligen utsatts för antisemitism i stor utsträckning, däremot upplever de att antisemitismen finns mer utbrett på andra platser i Sverige. Israelkritik upplever de enbart som antisemitism när den är obalanserad och när media anklagar judar kollektivt för vad som sker i Israel/Palestina. Sionism ser de dock ingen anledning till att kritisera eftersom den handlar om ett judisk självbestämmande. Ett par av informanterna anser att sionism är så starkt förknippat med judisk tradition att antisionism per automatik blir judefientlig. / The essay is about how four Jewish people experience anti-Semitism in Sweden. They answered questions related to two themes, anti-Semitism and Israel Criticism / anti-Zionism. The informants have not personally been subjected to anti-Semitism widely, but they feel that anti-Semitism is more prevalent in other parts of Sweden. Criticism of Israel is experienced as anti-Semitism when it is unbalanced and when the media blames Jews collectively for what is happening in Israel / Palestine. They see no reason to criticize Zionism because it is about a Jewish self-determination. A couple of respondents believe that Zionism is so strongly associated with Jewish tradition that anti-Zionism automatically becomes hostile towards Jews.

This study analyses the intellectual output of Adya Gur Horon (Adolphe Gourevitch, 1907-1972), a Ukrainian-born, Russian-speaking, French-educated ideologue of modern Hebrew nationalism, and one of the founding fathers of the anti-Zionist ideology known as "Canaanism", whose heyday was mid 20th-century Israel. The dissertation's starting point is that if the "Canaanites" (otherwise the Young Hebrews) declared themselves to be above all a national movement independent of, and opposed to, Zionism, they should be analysed as such. In treating "Canaanite" support for the existence of an indigenous Hebrew nation in Palestine/Israel as equally legitimate as the Zionist defence of the Jews' national character (both ultimately constituting "imagined communities"), this work comes to the conclusion that the movement should indeed be classified as a fully-fledged alternative to Zionism; not a radical variation of the latter, but rather a rival national ideology. My chief assertion is that the key to a proper understanding of "Canaanism" is Horon's unique vision of the ancient Hebrew past, which constitutes the "Canaanite" foundational myth that stands in sharp contradiction to its Zionist counterpart. Furthermore, I demonstrate that Zionism and "Canaanism" are incompatible not only because they differ over history, but also because some of the basic socio-political notions they employ, such as national identity or nation-formation, are discordant. A methodology such as this has never before been applied to the "Canaanite" ideology, since most of those who have studied the movement treat "Canaanism" either as an artistic avant-garde or as a fringe variation of Zionism. This study demonstrates that, despite being sidelined by most researchers of "Canaanism", Adya Horon is beyond doubt the leading figure of the "Canaanite" movement. I believe that only by giving due weight to the divergence in national historiographies between "Canaanism" and Zionism can we grasp the former's independence from the latter, both intellectually and politically, without negating "Canaanism's" complex relationship with Zionism and the sometimes significant overlaps between the two. The dissertation makes systematic use of many newly discovered materials, including Horon's writings from the early 1930s to the early 1970s (some of them extremely rare), as well as his private archive. My study thus sits at the intersection of three fields of academic enquiry: nationalism studies; language-based area studies; and historiographical discourse analysis.

This thesis deals with the relations between Czechoslovakia and Israel in 1967-1971. It is specifically concerned with anti-Zionist policies of the socialist regime, which reflected themselves not only in the anti-Israeli stance of Czechoslovakia, but also in the relations of state authorities towards Jewish minority, and bore antisemitic characteristics. Contrary to lasting rigorous refusal of antisemitism since 1940s/50s, Czechoslovakia manifested its hostility towards Israel on regular basis. Struggle against Zionism was one of the aims of the Czechoslovak ideological war against alleged or real adversaries. For the regime, Israel represented West, and West was full of so called centres of ideological diversion. One of such centres was also Radio Free Europe (RFE). Author of the thesis assumes that RFE not only reflected the ideological struggle concerning Jews and "Zionists," in Czechoslovakia, but also played a role of a counter-balancing force in the matter. By means of analysis of RFE situation reports, the thesis evaluates the extent of RFE counter-balance of the Czechoslovak anti-Zionist ideology. After theoretical introduction (chapter one), changes in the relations of Czechoslovakia towards Israel and local Jewish community in 1945-1967 are described. Second chapter also debates tension...

The diplomatic and political deadlock in what has come to be known as the Palestine/Israel conflict, has led to the re-emergence of an anti-partition discourse that draws its arguments from the reality on the ground and/or from anti-Zionism. Why such a re-emergence? Actually, anti-partitionism as an antagonism depends on its corollary, partitionism, and as such, they have existed for the same period of time. Furthermore, the debate between antipartitionists and pro-partitionists – nowadays often referred to as a debate between the one-state and the two-state solution – is not peculiar to the period around 2000. It echoes the situation in the late 1910s when the British were settling in Palestine and authorising the Zionist settler colonial movement to build a Jewish homeland thus introducing the seeds of partition and arousing expressions of anti-partitionism. This dissertation aims to articulate a political history of the antipartitionist perspectives against the backdrop of an increasing acceptance of Palestine's partition as a solution. This account runs from 1915 and the first partition – that of the Arab territories of the Ottoman Empire – to 1988 and the Palestinian recognition of the principle of partition. Thus, I argue that the antipartitionist perspectives have persisted throughout history. Such a historical perspective enabled me to consider the acceptance of partition as the result of a shift from a “national and territorial liberation” strategy to the search for “sovereignty and national independence”, a shift that was operated in the Palestinian national movement as well as in the Zionist movement, and which made statehood the main objective. In this regard, the Palestinian acceptance of the principle of partition and of a two-state solution may be regarded as a legitimation of the Israeli colonial settler state.

The current study investigates changing attitudes to militarism within Israeli society since the tumultuous decades following 1948. Events leading to the current state of Israeli society will be traced in order to illustrate the way in which change occurs. The shifts in Israeli history and society during these decades will be examined alongside developments in Israeli literature. Accordingly, eight works of fiction have been selected to lie at the heart of the study. These works, all of which centre around the Israeli military experience, convey an erosion of personal, national, and ideological certainties. The analysis of these works demands three areas of exploration: the depiction of the soldier in the civilian setting, the depiction of the soldier as he interacts with other soldiers in the military sphere, and ‘post-Zionist’ military fiction produced in recent decades. These three areas of exploration entail an interrogation of gender, nationalism, and ‘post-Zionism’ in contemporary Israel. The works examined in the third chapter contain commentary not only upon the social reality of their authors, but also upon the way in which Israeli literature engages with the issues that inform its existence.This study is fuelled by the need to understand the links between history and fiction, as the latter grapples with the strain of ongoing military conflict. While Yitzhak Laor, Yehosha Kenaz, and Yoram Kaniuk have chosen to explore Israeli militarism through a re-narration of past chapters in Israeli history, Yitzhak Ben-Ner, Amos Oz, Etgar Keret and A. B. Yehoshua all comment on the events of their time. Some authors have identified this strain as a diminishing masculinity; others convey this burden as a direct corollary of shifting truths about Israeli nationalism.

The thesis inquires into the progressively worsening international role of Israel after the Six-Day War. It begins with analysis of some aspects of the aforementioned conflict and finishes with declaration of resolution no. 3379, which condemned Zionism as a form of racial discrimination.The goal of the thesis is to analyse process that led the state constituted with the help of UN to the position as one of the most criticized members of the organization, all in less than its thirty years old existence.In addition to the Six-Day War, the analysis deals with other significant moments of the Arab-Israeli conflict between years 1967-1975 with the declaration of the said resolution taking the largest extent.Further, the author attempted to define a group of states actively objecting to Zionism and Israel. Simultaneously, he attempted to define the meaning of the fight against Zionism to individual members of the inhomogeneous anti-Israeli bloc.The thesis mainly stands on the analysis of UN documents concerning the Palestine problem in the observed time period. Based on the performed research, the author comes to the conclusion that the condemnation of Zionism as a form of racial discrimination was possible not solely by development of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and by drawing attention to the...

This study was conducted in order to interpret claims of antisemitism in Malmö, Sweden, depicted as an effect of political events in Palestine/Israel. It is argued that contemporary antisemitism is a new phenomenon, where hostility towards Jewish people is argued to be motivated by hostility towards Israel by perpetrators identified as ”Muslims” and/or people with roots in the Middle East and North Africa. Using previous literature, this view is contrasted with arguments that antisemitism as a phenomenon should not be delimited to such group formations and rather that different arguments are often projected on Palestine/Israel, in relation to antisemitism for political agendas. This paper investigates the meaning making processes of two news reports depicting claims of antisemitism in Malmö, Sweden as an effect of events in Palestine/Israel in May 2021 by using the Discourse Theory of Ernesto Laclau & Chantal Mouffe. The analysis investigates the ideas and underlying assumptions found in the material and posits the depictions made, with alternative possible ascriptions of meaning, excluded from the discursive formations made in the material. The conclusion reached is that reproducing many arguments of “new antisemitism” and of Malmö as “antisemitic” may misdirect the “combat” of antisemitism at the disadvantage for pro-Palestinian movements and further strengthen arguments many of which are taken for granted within the empiric material, for the salience of the existence of Israel and Zionism, due to the prevalence of antisemitism. Due to the limited nature of this paper, the author hopes that it can inspire future research within the field, as more extensive research, according to the author, is highly needed.

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