The fold and thrust belt of the Subandean Ranges (central and southern Bolivia, and northern Argentina) contains both gas and condensate production and reserves in Devonian quartzose sandstones within deep structures. Reservoir sandstones present values of permeability close to 0.01 mD, implying that reservoir drainage must be controlled by a fracture system that enhances permeability. Hydrocarbon production in naturally fractured reservoirs is affected by fracture quality (degree of openness), spatial arrangement, size distribution (including aperture, height and length), fracture abundance, and arrangement with respect to stratigraphic and macro-structural features. Systematic study of fractures in the subsurface is complicated by the small probability that a well will intersect sufficient fractures for direct analysis of their attributes. Because of this fracture data obtained from logging and coring must be complemented with alternative methodologies. In my study I performed a workflow that includes geologic mapping of outcrop analogs of subsurface units, fracture characterization in outcrops and thin sections, the construction of kinematic structural model using algorithms for 3D analysis, petrographic description of composition and diagenesis, and statistical multivariate analyses in order to define how structural, lithologic and diagenetic features affect fracture distribution. From the construction of a structural model and the analyses of its properties, I generated semi-quantitative models of fracture attributes based on classic fold-related fracture concepts. This model was tested with direct fracture observations from core and outcrop, coupled with microstructural imaging using SEM-CL, to document fracture attributes. The models all show high curvature and strain values homogeneously distributed along the azimuth and close to the hinge of the anticline, which implies this domain should be most fractured. On the other hand, microfracture studies reveal that although highest strain values are found in the hinge, low strains also are found along the hinge even for samples with similar lithologies. The study of macro and microfractures in outcrop and core samples allowed me to clearly identify two opening mode fracture sets for the Devonian sandstones. These present an orthogonal arrangement and variable cross cutting relations. The dominant set (defined as Set I) has a WNW strike and is perpendicular to the structural trend of the Subandean Ranges; the subordinate set (defines as Set II) has a NNE strike, and is parallel to the previously mentioned structural trend. Set I has higher strain accumulation, log-normal spacing distribution, and is strongly controlled by the primary quartz content of the rocks. Set II also has a log-normal spacing distribution, and presents structural control. / text

Cuerpos en disputa, mujer e imaginarios de nación en Hispanoamérica: Juan Francisco Manzano, Eva Perón y Reinaldo Arenas begins with the premise that the values and requirements of a patriarchal society focuses on female icons of symbolic strength and weight. As icons, women are associated as being the center of the monogamous, heterosexual family and therefore, the image of Nation. In Latin America each hegemonic national project has elevated female icons that are a compact synthesis of that nation's essential and defining values. From that idea our research expands to examine how those hegemonic national discourses and imageries are refuted in the nineteenth century through other antagonistic discourses, each in turn putting forward other paradigms of women or other bodies on the literary plane. These test gender issues, sexuality and morality, and the authorized bodies of Woman/Nation are contrasted with other discordant, subversive, fictional faces. Our objective is to discover these images of rebellion, and evaluate the literary, political and ideological dialogue that has been established through these hegemonic female icons.In this sense, the discourses related to Manzano, Evita, and Arenas, three representative figures of diverse successive historical stages within the region throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries --from colonial slavery, populism and communism, to the postmodern-- corroborate that, in effect: Protests and revolutions have presented their own icons of woman or other subversive or discordant bodies in the face of female paradigms set by those in power.The theoretical and critical apparatus is based on the contributions of feminist criticism on women in literature, art and Latin American politics (Helena Araújo, Hélène Cixous, Lucía Guerra-Cunningham, Josefina Ludmer, Francine Masiello and Elaine Showalter), and studies on the links between sexuality, power and society (Judith Butler, bell hook, Michael Foucault, Edward Said and G. Ch. Spivak), as well as research on the formation of societies and national imagery in Latin America since the early nineteenth century (Mabel Moraña, Walter Mignolo and Ángel Rama), all of which is framed in the context of literary and aesthetic movements from neoclassicism to post-modernity.

Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Lengua y Literatura Hispánica mención Literatura

Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades / Tesis para optar al grado de Doctora en Filosofía mención en Filosofía Política / Abordamos en esta investigación el pensamiento filosófico-político de un intelectual sanjuanino del siglo XIX. Se trata del Dr. Benjamín Sánchez, un jurista que llegó a ocupar un lugar eminente en la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Provincia de San Juan, y que se destacó en el ámbito cultural local por defender los lineamientos teóricos adoptados fundamentalmente por la Iglesia Católica Romana en las Encíclicas Syllabus Errorum Modernorum (1864) del Papa Pío IX y Aeterni Patris (1879) del Papa León XIII. La producción discursiva de Benjamín Sánchez, cabe aclarar, no es extensa y está contenida en tres obras: «La Propiedad: Meditaciones Sociales y Jurídicas» (1883), «Silbidos de tierra adentro» (1893), y «Filosofía de la Historia» (1899). La primera es su tesis doctoral, y las dos últimas son compilaciones de artículos polémicos y reflexiones filosóficas realizadas en el fragor de la lucha ideológica entre el catolicismo y el liberalismo que caracterizó al contexto socio-político sanjuanino de fines de siglo XIX en Argentina. El problema concreto de la investigación que nos ocupa interroga por la clasificación del pensamiento filosófico-político del Dr. Benjamín Sánchez. Como explicaremos, este es un problema que no ha sido resuelto en forma concluyente por la historiografía filosófica argentina, a causa de dos motivos principales. Por un lado, debido a la compleja trama de relaciones que, en nuestro país, se dio entre el liberalismo y el catolicismo. Y por otro, debido a que los estudios que han realizado los más sobresalientes historiadores del pasado filosófico argentino, a saber, Dr. Alberto Caturelli y Dr. Arturo A. Roig, no han pasado el nivel de lectura exploratoria de las ideas de Sánchez. Situación que explicaría en parte por qué ambos investigadores ubican a nuestro autor en corrientes intelectuales conectadas pero diferentes y opuestas.

Magíster en Estudios Internacionales / No autorizada por el autor para ser publicada a texto completo / El movimiento feminista en América Latina, específicamente en Chile y Argentina, es tan interesante como complejo. Existen muchas capas diferentes que hay que considerar, cada una con su propia trama y culminación. La definición del feminismo en palabras de June Hahner (1980) en su mirada en Feminismo, Derechos de las mujeres, y el Movimiento por el Sufragio en Brasil es que: “El Feminismo abarca todos los aspectos de la emancipación de las mujeres e incluye cualquier tipo de lucha con el propósito de elevar su estatus social, político o económico; se refiere a tanto a al auto concepto que tienen las mujeres como a su posición en la sociedad” (Hehner, 1980, p.65). Una definición más reciente es ofrecida por Nathalie Lebon y Elizabeth Maier (2010), en su libro El Activismo de las Mujeres en América Latina y el Caribe: Engendrando Justicia Social, Democratizando la Ciudadanía. Ellas conciben que el feminismo existe junto al movimiento de las mujeres; “feminismo se refiere a mujeres organizándose explícitamente y conscientemente para luchar contra la opresión y subordinación de la mujer…” (Lebon & Maier, 2010, p.5). Para el propósito de este estudio, se utilizará esta última definición, ya que la proporcionada por Hahner (1980), no es lo suficientemente amplia para abarcar el feminismo moderno, ya que este movimiento ha continuado evolucionando con el tiempo; sin embargo, está última mirada incorpora a personas que trabajan por un mejoramiento de las condiciones de las mujeres, las cuales no necesariamente quieren ser “etiquetadas” como feministas. Es el trabajo en el cual estas personas participan el cual determina sus méritos.

This thesis focuses on political and economic development during the peronist governments. This does not mean just the periods of Perón's rule, but also the governments in the nineties and early in the new millennium. The thesis is divided into three chapters, which are further divided into various subsections. The first part deals with peronist movement and economic and political characteristics of the three J. D. Peron's governments. The second chapter focuses on the Carlos Menem's rule, especially on his neo-liberal reforms. Final section analyzes the causes of economic crisis in Argentina and then describes the course as well. Attention is also paid to postcrises development in both economic and political area.

O presente trabalho busca discutir o papel político das idéias econômicas em um contexto de transformação estrutural. A Argentina enfrentou, durante os anos 80 e 90, os dilemas próprios de um processo de reformas estruturais. O giro para estas reformas foi produzido sob o impacto da crise da dívida externa. A resposta inicial à emergência econômica, que teve um alcance limitado, não comportou mudanças apreciáveis na organização das instituições econômicas. Este alcance das políticas de ajuste foi correspondido com os diagnósticos do momento que postulavam que os desequilíbrios macroeconômicos eram, fundamentalmente, de curto prazo. O governo lançou, em 1985, um plano de estabilização heterodoxo. Os economistas heterodoxos, chamando a atenção para os componentes inerciais da dinâmica inflacionária, sustentaram que as políticas ortodoxas, eram ineficazes e custosas para resolver o problema inflacionário. Contudo, esse programa não conseguiu estabilizar a economia. O fracasso da experiência heterodoxa abriu as portas para a ortodoxia. A partir do final dos anos 80 a agenda governamental foi dominada por uma onda de reformas estruturais. Em 1989, o governo eleito estabeleceu uma nova orientação em política econômica, a partir da qual levou adiante um profundo processo de ajuste. Para entender a modalidade de mudança estrutural seguida pela Argentina existem alguns elementos fundamentais. Em primeiro lugar, aqueles de caráter econômico relacionados com o impacto da crise. Contudo, embora a crise econômica tenha constituído um estímulo poderoso para o início de um programa de reformas estruturais, por si só não foi suficiente para definir quando, como e em o que medida era necessário fazer o ajuste. A interpretação das causas da crise foi central na direção da inovação política. Assim, o debate de idéias cumpriu um papel chave na entrada das reformas econômicas na agenda pública. Para a direção da inovação política foi central a interpretação das causas dos desequilíbrios econômicos. A controvérsia entre alternativas de políticas, que se levou a cabo tendo como pano de fundo a emergência econômica, constituiu a primeira via de entrada das reformas estruturais na agenda pública. Portanto, o desenlace da disputa de interpretações que se estabeleceu durante esses anos acerca da definição da natureza dos desequilíbrios é o foco central de nosso trabalho. / The present work seeks to discuss the political power of the economic ideas in a context of structural transformation. Argentina faced, during ´80 ´90, the dilemmas characteristic of a process of structural reform. The turn toward the structural reform took place under the impact of the crisis of the foreign debt. The initial answer to the economic emergency that had a limited reach, didn\'t behave appreciable changes in the organization of the economic institutions. This limited reach of the adjustment belonged together with the diagnoses of the moment that postulated that the macroeconomic imbalances, were fundamentally imbalances of short term. The government rushed, in 1985, a heterodox stabilization plan. The heterodox economists, getting the attention on the inertial components of the inflationary dynamics, they sustained that the politicians of orthodox, were ineffective and expensive to solve the inflationary problem. However the program was not able to stabilize the economy. The failure of the heterodox experience opened the doors for the orthodoxy. From ends of the years eighty, the government agenda was dominated by a wave of political of structural reforms. In 1989, the elect government established a new orientation in economic politics, starting from which took a deep adjustment process ahead. To understand the modality of structural change continued by the Argentina, some fundamental elements exist. In the first place, those of economic character related with the impact of the crisis. But, although the economic crisis constituted a powerful stimulus for the setting in march of a program of structural reform, by itself it was not enough to define when, how and in what measure it must make the adjustment. The interpretation of the causes of the crisis was central in the address of the political innovation. The debate of ideas completed a key role in the entrance of the economic reform in the public calendar. For the address of the political innovation it was central the interpretation of the causes of the economic imbalances. The controversy among alternative of political that was taken to end on the backdrop of the economic emergency, it constituted the first road of entrance from the structural reform to the public agenda. Therefore, the outcome of the bid of interpretations that was begun in those years about the definition of the nature of the imbalances is the central focus for our work.

Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / This dissertation shifts our understanding of 1970s human rights activism from a minimalist politics of salvation to a maximalist commitment to kindred spirits. Scholars see the 1970s as the time when the internationalist dreams of the 1960s disappeared to be supplanted by the salvation of a few over the transformation of the root causes of society's ills. By contrast, this dissertation examines West German activism on behalf of Latin Americans chaffing under military rule in the 1970s as a campaign of international political solidarity by different means. Faced with an environment hostile to transnational solidarity at home and abroad, West Germans of varying political doctrines and Christian confessions, as well as exiles from Latin America, embraced a common language of human rights as they pursued their political agendas. Its neutralist and humanitarian overtones made "human rights" discourses appealing to activists with diverging political goals. This dissertation reinterprets human rights activism as a continuation of internationalist commitments at a time when the foundations for transnational solidarity eroded. Grassroots embrace of human rights occurred during a tense state of securitization provoked by left-wing terrorism in West Germany. With the West German state increasingly unwilling to stand up for human rights on the international stage, especially for leftist victims, or accept them as refugees, grassroots solidarity activists were compelled to embrace a discourse that the state would accept. The Chilean and Argentinean cases--the most prominent instances of state-perpetrated abuses in 1970s Latin America--prompted leftists, left liberals, trade unionists, and Christians to advocate for the admission of political refugees and the imposition of economic embargoes and sanctions. Chilean and Argentinean exiles advocated for political change in their countries, but were forced to utilize human rights rhetoric to escape the stigma accorded to left-wing politics. Conservatives embraced human rights argumentation against the military regime in Chile when the wave of repression reached their political partners of the Christian Democratic Party in Chile. Lacking similar partners in Argentina, West German Christian Democracy did not demonstrate interest in conditions there. The West German government responded to grassroots advocacy with a minimalist vision for human rights protection that emphasized private negotiations on behalf of select individuals, which was abhorrent to many grassroots activists. The embrace of human rights by grassroots activists occurred in a highly contested process of political defeats and realignments. It was not a turn to a new utopia. Drawing on research in state and civil society repositories in Europe and the Americas, as well as oral interviews, this dissertation offers a window into transnational political activism between West Germany and Latin America in the 1970s. It shows how activists from the left and the right, as well as government officials, arrived at different definitions of human rights and diverging strategies for protecting them. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Dissertação apresentada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação Interdisciplinar em Estudos Latino-Americanos da Universidade Federal da Integração Latino-Americana, como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Mestra em Estudos Latino-Americanos. Orientador: Prof. Dr. Paulo Renato da Silva / Submitted by Mariana Elizabeth Fernández Presa (mariana.presa@aluno.unila.edu.br) on 2018-02-15T16:05:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 disertacion.pdf: 2656694 bytes, checksum: a2e8f6092b36fc0cc8741964e8a0103c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Nilson Junior (nilson.junior@unila.edu.br) on 2018-02-15T17:02:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 disertacion.pdf: 2656694 bytes, checksum: a2e8f6092b36fc0cc8741964e8a0103c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-15T17:02:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 disertacion.pdf: 2656694 bytes, checksum: a2e8f6092b36fc0cc8741964e8a0103c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-12 / A comienzos del siglo XXI, la sociedad y el gobierno argentinos se encuentran bajo un conflicto; la deslegitimación del Estado-Nación. Esto se da a través de la crisis económica, política y social que tuvo su momento cúspide en el año 2001. A partir de aquí, les esperaba a los gobernantes un ardúo trabajo, ya que debían hacer que la población volviera a creer en los “beneficios” de ser parte del Estado argentino. Por lo mismo, la identidad de ser argentino también queda cuestionada en este proceso, ya que el Estado no consigue garantizar los derechos mínimos de los ciudadanos. Por otro lado, los ciudadanos dejaron de confiar en la clase política, por lo tanto no ven un beneficio en ejercer su ciudadanía para elegir a sus gobernantes. La población pedía una salida inmediata a la crisis, dejando a los gobernantes en jaque ya que no fueron capaces de encontrar salidas a la misma. Todo esto se demuestra por el poco tiempo que duraron los presidentes en su cargo desde diciembre de 2001 hasta la asunción Néstor Kirchner en 2003. Este adoptó una serie de medidas que fue restaurando las relaciones entre la sociedad civil y el Estado-nación argentino, siendo estas continuadas por su sucesora Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Entre estas reformas encontramos la aprobación de la Ley 26.522 de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual en 2009, marcando un quiebre en la regulación de los medios de comunicación. Se da también a partir de aquí una re-configuración de los contenidos de la Televisión Pública, entre estos encontramos el diseño animado La Asombrosa Excursión de Zamba, siendo éste nuestro objeto de estudio. Por lo tanto, nos proponemos aquí algunos objetivos; analizar aquí si éste se propone hacer una relectura de la identidad argentina luego de la crisis del 2001; estudiar si en este proceso el diseño, combina diferentes tradiciones historiográficas; establecer cómo son representados los pueblos originarios y la categoría de pueblo en el diseño; analizar los símbolos nacionales, entre éstos encontramos los “próceres nacionales” y la bandera argentina. Para esto, hicimos una breve exposición de las distintas corrientes historiográficas argentinas, lo que significó la crisis y el diseño para la sociedad argentina, por último el poder de los medios de comunicación y lo que generó la Ley de Medios argentina en éstos. Ya en los otros capítulos veremos cómo son representados los pueblos originarios y el pueblo en Zamba. Y por último, analizamos las representaciones de San Martín, Belgrano y lo que significa la Bandera Nacional para la reconstrucción del Estado. Concluímos que al mismo tiempo que Zamba reivindica las identidades que afloraron con la crisis del 2001, éstas continúan subordinadas al Estado nacional

In the aftermath of Argentina’s last dictatorship (1976-1983), the organisations created by the relatives of the disappeared deployed the trope of a ‘wounded family’. The unspoken rule was that only those related by blood to the missing were entitled to ask for justice. This thesis queers this biological tradition. Drawing from performance studies and queer theory, it develops an alternative framework for understanding the transmission of trauma beyond bloodline inscriptions. It shows how grief brought into light an idea of community that exceeds traditional family ties. In order to demonstrate this, the thesis builds an archive of non-normative acts of mourning. This archive crosses different generations. The introduction utilises the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo’s statement ‘Our Children gave birth to us’ as the departure for a non-biological linage. Chapter 1 shows how the black humour that informs H.I.J.O.S., the association created by the children of the disappeared, works as a form of affective reparation in the face of loss. Chapter 2 proposes a dialogue between Los Rubios (Albertina Carri, 2003), M (Nicolás Prividera, 2007) and La mujer sin cabeza (Lucrecia Martel, 2008) to show how these films manage to displace the normative cult of the victim. Chapter 3 conceives the cooking sessions that take place at ESMA former detention camp as a form of conversion of this site of death. Chapter 4 explores Lola Arias’ Mi vida después (2009) as an intergenerational artefact for the transmission of trauma on- and off-stage. Chapter 5 considers Félix Bruzzone’s novella Los topos (2008) as the announcement of a new language of kinship. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the aftermath of violence not only produced pain but also new forms of pleasure. Ultimately, it sheds light on a new sense of ‘being together’ that has emerged in the wake of loss.