To what extent does Islam help explain the dynamics of a participatory civil society in the post-Soviet Muslim-majority Central Asia? More specifically, to what extent does the variation in Islam (personal religiosity) and political Islam (support for Islam’s role in politics) help predict the propensity to engage in elite-challenging collective political actions, rooted in self-assertive social capital? Grounded in emancipative social capital theory, this article embarks on an individual-level quantitative analysis to systematically examine the variation in self-assertive collective action in four Central Asian republics. This study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the empirical nexus between general religiosity (Islam), Islamism (Political Islam), and elite-challenging collective actions and offers new clues on the empirical interactions between resurgent Islam and collective political participation in the post-Communist Muslim world.

Thesis advisor: Robert Ross / The regional great power competition between the United States and China is escalating in various dimensions such as economic, political, and security realms. Who instigates such tension and how? To answer these questions, this paper inquires whether it is the declining power, the United States, or the rising power, China, that causes regional tension to heighten. Applying the theories on power transition and power transition war to the three case studies on South Korea, Taiwan, and the South China Sea dispute in Vietnam, how the United States is provoking China to adopt policies that increase tension will be examined. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

La presente tesis doctoral se centrará en el estudio de uno de los conflictos territoriales más candentes que existen en la región de Asia-Pacífico y, por ende, en la escena internacional, que enfrenta a Japón contra China y Taiwán por la soberanía de las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Sin embargo, se hará mayor hincapié en la postura nipona debido a que para Pekín no deja de ser un conflicto más en la región dentro de un plan que tiene como fin dominar el Mar de China, por las implicaciones geopolíticas que ello conlleva. Los objetivos generales que pretendemos alcanzar se sustentan en analizar la política exterior y de seguridad japonesa ante tal contencioso, como también las consecuencias e implicaciones que puede tener para la misma a la hora de entender el papel que debe desempeñar Japón en la escena internacional. Por ahora, ese papel se limita a ser el de “un gigante económico y un enano político”, situación que le impide poder negociar en pie de igualdad ante el ascenso chino. Por esta razón, su deseo de dotarse de un ejército convencional, que le permita ejercer una “diplomacia activa” en la política internacional. Y, por otro lado, también deseamos analizar la política exterior y seguridad china, donde pretendemos valorar y analizar cómo este conflicto se circunscribe dentro de una estrategia geopolítica de Pekín para controlar su mar circundante y, a la postre, dominar la región de Asia-Pacífico. Ya, en última instancia, valorar si esta disputa territorial puede llevar a un enfrentamiento armado entre ambas potencias asiáticas. En definitiva, nuestro propósito era intentar responder a tres hipótesis: La primera hipótesis que nos propusimos responder, “este conflicto supone un replanteamiento de la política exterior y de seguridad de China y Japón”, nos ha llevado a asumir que, aunque entendemos la gran importancia de las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu, dadas las prebendas que podría aportar y al espíritu nacionalista que las envuelve, creemos que no implican por sí solas una modificación de la política exterior japonesa, máxime cuando al poco de finalizar la Guerra Fría y, sobre todo, durante la administración Koizumi, ya se estaban planteando un nuevo papel en la escena regional e internacional de Japón, antes de que la problemática de las Senkaku/Diaoyu alcanzara las dimensiones actuales, como consecuencia del ascenso chino. Y es que en el caso de la política exterior china, las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu no conllevan ningún remplantamiento de su política exterior, pues ha quedado patente que juegan un papel dentro de una gran estrategia de seguridad ya definida desde el fin de la Guerra Fría en aras de alejar de sus costas a Estados Unidos. Por otra parte, respecto a la segunda hipótesis: “existe contrariedad y malestar chino, actuando en consecuencia, ante las acciones japonesas sobre las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu, y, en menor medida, ante Estados Unidos y su posición con los conflictos marítimos de la región debido a la importancia geopolítica del Mar de China”, ciertamente, hemos podido comprobar que existe un fuerte malestar chino ante las acciones niponas, sobre las Senkaku/Diaoyu, e intromisiones estadounidenses sobre los conflictos territoriales que posee Pekín en el conjunto del Mar de China (de vital importancia para su seguridad). Es algo que se refleja en los contundentes e inmediatos comunicados ante cualquier declaración o política foránea que socave o discuta su soberanía de dichos territorios en disputa. Por último, respecto a la tercera hipótesis: “cabe la posibilidad de un enfrentamiento armado entre China y Japón por el dominio de las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu”, en este punto, a corto plazo resulta impensable debido a que los intereses económicos entre ambos países son enormes y, hoy por hoy, el tema de las Senkaku/Diaoyu es secundario. Tal es así que no se prevé que alcance importancia para desencadenar un conflicto a pesar de la propaganda que se le da en los distintos medios de comunicación como consecuencia del creciente nacionalismo de unos y otros. Eso no quiere decir que no pueda llegar a ser un casus belli como consecuencia de los recelos que se sustentan la una y la otra, pero eso en todo caso sería a medio o largo plazo, puesto que ahora sería desastroso para las dos. Y es que gracias a la actual interdependencia económica, queda aún lejos, pero no por ello, hay que bajar la guardia y no afrontar la problemática en su justa media. / La tesis ha contado durante el curso 2017/2018 con una Ayuda para la Formación de Profesorado Universitario (FPU-2016), concedida por el Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte de España.

The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives

This thesis is based on the theoretical knowledge derived from the European integration experience to conduct a comparative study between the EU and ASEAN. This thesis investigates how endogenous factors affect how exogenous factors influence the EU and ASEAN institution building process within the European Single Market and ASEAN Free Trade Area. It argues that ASEAN members' domestic political interest and national preference formed within their cultural context as a result of their informal institutional economic cooperation. The thesis reviews literature and finds that the European model cannot be simply applied to ASEAN, thus a combination of new regionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism seeks to contribute alternatives to different aspects in the analysis of ASEAN regional integration.

This thesis studies the Cambodian Constitution from a socio-legal and ethnographic perspective, highlighting some of the multiple ways in which diverse constitutional discourses and practices manifest themselves in the country outside of judicial, or even state, institutions. The thesis starts by recognising that existing literature typically associates constitutionalism exclusively with the work of courts, and with liberal-democracy, before providing a series of case studies that focus on constitutional practices that are typically obscured from view by such a focus. These case studies provide accounts of how, for example: international actors and local civil society groups engaged in Cambodia’s 1993 constitution-making process; Cambodia’s apparently liberal-democratic Constitution has been used publicly by the government to facilitate and justify authoritarianism; court cases are themselves used by local activists to conduct domestic and internationally-focused advocacy; constitutional provisions have helped to shape the way Buddhist monks understand their role in society and politics; and artists are helping to shape constitutional definitions of national identity and culture through their interactions with or avoidance of state censorship. The result is a nuanced, empirically grounded account of a constitutional order that has been largely overlooked by scholars in the country and abroad. However, it is also an exploration of the ways in which constitutionalism can be understood to operate outside of courts or state institutions, and how a liberal-democratic constitution can simultaneously act as a source of legitimacy for and challenge to authoritarianism. / Graduate / 2023-02-06

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study analyzes 21 high and ultra-high-net-worth data points whose entities migrated from mainland China into Southeast Asia, and now, with their descendants, have settled in Singapore. Though removed from China over generations, they still retain a continuum of evolved values that were germinated from Confucian morals, rituals, and values — more popularly recognized as Chineseness. This study investigates these traditions, ethos, and value systems through the lens of philanthropy. The principal results and conclusions are: 1) Due to push and pull factors, millions of Chinese migrants fanned out into the Nanyang (Southeast Asia) from mid-1800s to the late 1900s. The first-generation diasporic Chinese (G1) left China with a sojourner mentality. Hence their early philanthropic action mirrored sojourners’ mindsets and pointed their giving back to China, the motherland. 2) As Chinese diaspora and their ethnic Chinese descendants (G2, G3, G4) eventually settled as nationals into various countries of Southeast Asia, new hybrid Chinese identities emerged. 3) Their Confucian Chinese values were confronted and severely tested – very often remolded and evolved as they assimilated, acculturated, and converged with social norms dictated by local indigenous cultures, and political, social, and economic circumstances of the times. 4) Confucian values — honoring the family name and continuing the ancestral lineage — behest multi-generations to stick together in strength. With self-help and mutual aid philanthropy, they thrived in the Nanyang. Very soon, Chinese diaspora’s economic success propelled them into leadership. As leaders of local communities, their loyalties, generosity, and philanthropic action shifted as new generations, locally born, begin to identify as nationals of these countries and engender gratitude to where they built their wealth. Eventually, generosity to China by follow-on generations pulled back or ceased. 5) In philanthropy, the age-old values of family, ancestry, humility, and benevolence now give younger generations of ethnic Chinese pride and purpose to give outside of the traditional familial lines to create opportunities and transform lives in the communities where they work and live – including public good for the countries where they operate their businesses in Southeast Asia and beyond.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(社会健康医学) / 甲第18193号 / 社医博第54号 / 新制||社医||8(附属図書館) / 31051 / 京都大学大学院医学研究科社会健康医学系専攻 / (主査)教授 中山 健夫, 教授 玉木 敬二, 教授 川上 浩司 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Public Health / Kyoto University / DFAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(農学) / 甲第18523号 / 農博第2080号 / 新制||農||1026(附属図書館) / 学位論文||H26||N4867(農学部図書室) / 31409 / 京都大学大学院農学研究科農学専攻 / (主査)教授 白岩 立彦, 教授 奥本 裕, 教授 稲村 達也 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Agricultural Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(情報学) / 甲第19133号 / 情博第579号 / 新制||情||101(附属図書館) / 32084 / 京都大学大学院情報学研究科通信情報システム専攻 / (主査)教授 山本 衛, 教授 津田 敏隆, 教授 佐藤 亨 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Informatics / Kyoto University / DGAM