This thesis takes its starting point from the need for a comprehensive approach towards justice following atrocities, and where not only the states in which the crimes were committed have a role to play. The thesis discusses atrocity crime (genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes) prosecution and reparations procedures concerning individuals as two appropriate courses of action, through which non-territorial states may contribute to atrocity prevention and justice for the victims of atrocities. The analysis addresses whether, under international law, non-territorial states are allowed to, required to, or prohibited from facilitating prosecution and reparations procedures and includes an assessment of the extent to which international law relating to reparations fails to correspond to that applicable to prosecution. The implications of the lack of correspondence are analysed in light of the historical connection and separation of the two courses of action, the procedural and substantive legal overlaps between prosecution and reparations, and the underlying aims and functions of prosecution and reparations. The study covers a wide spectrum of international legal sources, most of them to be found in human rights law, humanitarian law and international criminal law. The study shows that while non-territorial states are included in both conventional and customary law as regards prosecution of atrocity crimes, the same cannot be said in relation to reparations procedures. This serious deficit and inconsistency in international law, is explained by the framing of reparations, but not prosecution, as a matter concerning victims and human rights, thereby leaving the enforcement of the rules to the discretion of each state. Reparation is also considered a private matter and as such falls outside the scope of the far-reaching obligations regarding prosecution. The study suggests taking further the responsibilities of non-territorial states in relation to atrocity crimes. Most urgently, measures should be considered that bring the legal space for reparations procedures into line with that for prosecution in, for instance, future discussions by human rights treaty-monitoring bodies and in the drafting of new international victims' rights, atrocity crimes or civil procedure instruments.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-11-14T15:25:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Bigolin Neto_.pdf: 1923474 bytes, checksum: d7edbb6188e73aa40dae2819d9d3bdb9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-14T15:25:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Bigolin Neto_.pdf: 1923474 bytes, checksum: d7edbb6188e73aa40dae2819d9d3bdb9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-29 / Nenhuma / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar, simultaneamente, em que medida os conflitos territoriais envolvendo os Guarani e Kaiowá e o agronegócio no Mato Grosso do Sul são contextos propícios para a ocorrência de crimes de atrocidade e são motivados pela lógica colonial. Apesar das conquistas jurídico-formais que apontam para o reconhecimento de suas particularidades, os conflitos envolvendo indígenas e ocupantes de terras têm-se agravado nos últimos anos e têm sido marcados por episódios de extrema violência, notadamente no Mato Grosso do Sul. As investidas contra os habitantes originários têm íntima relação com a ampliação da ocupação de terras na região, destinadas fundamentalmente à monocultura de exportação de commodities, à pecuária intensiva e à indústria sucroalcooleira nas áreas em disputa. Percebe-se, com isso, uma tendência de vulnerabilização dos povos indígenas. Para realização do estudo, são apresentadas como teoria de base e ferramental analítico a perspectiva descolonial e o Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes. A primeira compreende a colonialidade como constitutiva da modernidade, como uma forma de articulação de uma matriz de poder calcada na hierarquização racial dos sujeitos, na premissa de que somente o conhecimento científico-moderno é válido e na inferiorização das subjetividades não-modernas. Sua permanência até os dias de hoje se revela na negação da diferença e na busca por eliminá-la. O segundo consiste num documento elaborado pela ONU, cuja finalidade é de avaliar a presença de fatores de risco para crimes de atrocidade [genocídio, crimes contra a humanidade, crimes de guerra e limpeza étnica]. O trabalho consiste num estudo crítico diagnóstico, valendo-se de pesquisas bibliográfica, legislativa, documental e visitas in locu. São explorados elementos territoriais dos povos Guarani e Kaiowá e de sua história no contato com os karaí [não-índios] para explicitar a subsistência de um padrão de tratamento que deixa de levar em consideração suas particularidades culturais e viola as legislações nacionais e internacionais. Como resultados, foram encontrados diversos indicadores de fatores de risco para crimes de atrocidade, que consistem em: discriminações estruturais de iniciativa pública e privada, intimamente relacionadas pelo poder político-econômico do agronegócio; privações e violações de direitos humanos básicos, muitas delas decorrentes da não-regularização da questão fundiária indígena; um histórico consistente de violências, ataques e assassinatos; e a manutenção de um imaginário que inferioriza as identidades indígenas por sua diferença como estratégia de desapropriação territorial pelo projeto colonial. Para a superação destes impasses, deve-se buscar respostas na construção de um projeto outro, que lide com a diferença de modo horizontal e, de modo mais imediato, na demarcação dos territórios ancestrais dos povos originários. / This dissertation aims to analyze simultaneously the extent to which the territorial conflicts involving the Guarani and Kaiowá and the agribusiness in Mato Grosso do Sul are favorable contexts for the occurrence atrocity crimes and are motivated by the colonial logic. In spite of the legal-formal achievements that point to the recognition of their particularities, the conflicts involving indigenous and land occupants have been aggravated in recent years and have been marked by episodes of extreme violence, notably in Mato Grosso do Sul. The charges against original inhabitants are closely related to the expansion of the land occupation in the region, mainly destined to the monoculture of commodities for export, livestock farming and the industries of sugar and alcohol in the disputed areas. This shows a trend towards the vulnerability of indigenous peoples. To carry out the study, the decolonial perspective and the Framework of Analysis for Atrocity Crimes are presented as ground theory and analytical tool. The first one understands coloniality as constitutive of modernity, as a form of articulating a matrix of power based on the racial hierarchy of the subjects, on the premise that only scientific-modern knowledge is valid and in the inferiorization of non-modern subjectivities. Its permanence to the present day is revealed in the denial of difference and in the quest to eliminate it. The second consists of a document prepared by the UN, whose purpose is to assess the presence of risk factors for atrocity crimes [genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and ethnic cleansing]. The work consists in a critical diagnostic study, using bibliographical, legislative, documentary and in locu visits. Territorial elements of the Guarani and Kaiowá peoples and their history are explored in the contact with the karaí [non-Indian] to make explicit the subsistence of a standard of treatment that fails to take into account their cultural particularities and violates national and international laws. As results, several indicators of risk factors for atrocity crimes were found, which consist of: structural discrimination of both public and private initiative, closely related by the agribusiness's political-economic power; deprivations and violations of basic human rights, many of them resulting from the non-regularization of the indigenous land issue; a consistent history of violence, attacks and killings; and the maintenance of an imaginary that inferiorizes indigenous identities by its difference as a strategy of territorial expropriation by the colonial project. In order to overcome these impasses, one must seek answers in the construction of another project, which deals with the difference horizontally and, more immediately, in the demarcation of the ancestral territories of native peoples.

L’Amérique centrale, théâtre des dernières batailles rangées de la guerre froide, est aujourd’hui la région la plus violente au monde, selon les Nations unies. Notre étude s’intéresse à la forme de guerre irrégulière livrée par l’État guatémaltèque contre sa propre population pendant la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle. À la lumière de rares témoignages d’exécutants et d’archives militaires et policières, nous examinons un mécanisme clandestin de répression dont les trois principales composantes – les enlèvements, la torture et les exécutions sommaires – pouvaient s’abattre sur toute personne soupçonnée, à tort ou à raison, de conspirer contre un statu quo d’exclusion. Au moment de leur articulation, ces moyens répressifs ont constitué un dispositif qui, à partir de 1966, s’est avéré d’une redoutable efficacité. Arme de prédilection des adeptes de la guerre antisubversive pendant plus de vingt ans, le dispositif permettait, telle une chaîne de production, l’accumulation des renseignements jugés indispensables à cette forme de guerre, ainsi que les cadavres dont l’absence éternelle ou la présence outrageuse sur la place publique servaient d’avertissement funeste à l’ensemble du corps social. Où chercher les origines d’un tel dispositif? À partir des ouvrages de référence cités dans le manuel de guerre contre-subversive de l’armée guatémaltèque, la réponse à cette question nous fera découvrir des parachutistes français pour qui la défaite militaire en Indochine et en Algérie pendant les années 1950 n’était pas une option et pour qui la victoire justifiait absolument tous les moyens. Le penchant de ces pionniers de la guerre hors-norme pour les cours magistraux, les entrevues et les articles, nous a permis d’étudier les méthodes qu’ils préconisaient et de repérer leurs traces au Guatemala. Alors que la guerre qui avait servi de prétexte au maintien du dispositif est terminée, sa très réputée efficacité assure encore aujourd’hui sa pérennité auprès de ceux qui peuvent s’offrir le service. En ce sens, la contre-insurrection se poursuit, et ce, malgré l’absence depuis une quinzaine d’années d’un conflit armé. Cette thèse aborde l’histoire de la guerre irrégulière et son déroulement au Guatemala. Les archives et les témoignages à notre disposition contredisent le déni des crimes commis dans les villes et les campagnes guatémaltèques, dont le génocide de 1982. Finalement, certains signes avant-coureurs indiquent que la violence et l’impunité actuelles au pays pourraient mener à la répétition de tels crimes à l’avenir. / Central America, said to have harboured the Cold War’s last pitched battles, is the world’s most violent place today, according to the United Nations. This dissertation studies the form of irregular warfare that the Guatemalan state waged against its own population during the second half of the twentieth century. Through an analysis of a few extant perpetrator accounts as well as military and police sources, this study sheds light on the three main modes by which the Guatemalan government acted against individuals justly or falsely suspected of conspiring against an exclusionary status quo: kidnapping, torture and summary executions. Combined, these three separate acts constituted a covert apparatus of repression which, beginning in 1966, proved immensely efficient. As the weapon of choice for the practitioners of counterinsurgency warfare for over twenty years, the apparatus, not unlike a production line, allowed for the accumulation of intelligence that was essential for the prosecution of this kind of war, as well as the bodies that, in their perpetual absence or desecrated presence in the public domain, served as a deadly warning to the entire social body. Yet, what are the origins and history of this apparatus of state terror? Starting with the cited references in the Guatemalan military’s counter-insurgency field manual, the answer to this question led to French paratroopers for whom military defeat in Indochina and Algeria in the 1950s was not an option, and for whom victory justified all means necessary. The penchant of the pioneers of this form of no-holds-barred warfare for lectures, interviews and articles allowed us to study the methods they encouraged and to identify their tell-tale signs in Guatemala. While the war that justified the existence of this apparatus has ended, its reputable efficiency has allowed it to persevere among those who can afford to pay for its services today. In this sense, if the war has been formally over in Guatemala for over fifteen years, the counter-insurgency continues. This dissertation traces the roots of irregular warfare and how it played out in Guatemala. Historical sources, including state records and perpetrator accounts, make denial of the crimes committed in urban and rural settings, including genocide in 1982, ring hollow. Finally, present warning signs indicate that on-going violence and impunity in the country could lead to the repetition of such crimes in the future.

No description available.

During the UN World Summit 2005 all Member States of the United Nations unanimously accepted the Responsibility to protect- principle (R2P- principle), that each member state shall protect its own population from ethnic cleansing, genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. During the set-up of the United Nations and the Security Council’s veto system in the San Francisco Conference 1945, the five permanent members of the Security Council promised that their right to veto would be used “sparingly” and in the “interest” of the world organization, to safeguard “the International peace and security”. Despite the united acceptance of the R2P- principle to avoid mass atrocities since 2005, China have been detaining up to one million Uyghur, including Kazakhs in detainment camps, in former East Turkestan since the beginning of 2018. Since the passage to invoke the R2P- principle is by the Security Council, the question arises if- the veto would serve as a deadlock on the R2P- principle if China could veto such decision. The purpose of the thesis have therefore been to analyze if the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system, by targeting China’s opportunity of vetoing the R2P- principle. The conclusion have been that the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system. This is because a permanent member can block the R2P- principle by either vetoing or double vetoing a draft resolution, which have been demonstrated by illustrating how China could veto the R2P- principle. Since the decisions of the Security Council cannot be appealed or dissent in terms of the veto card and UN Charter, it leaves the R2P- principle inefficient with a weak operational legitimacy against the Security Council’s powerful veto system, on the cost of human lives.