In several modern countries, media have to operate in "disabling environments" with limited journalistic freedom and judicial independence. Central and Eastern European states represent such settings to various extent, as the takeover of media regulatory organisations and decreasing media pluralism have become characteristic for this region, indicating a systemic shift. Nevertheless, the high- profile cases of Poland and Hungary could have contributed to overgeneralised conclusions regarding the nature of such transformations, attributing them to, inter alia, the rise of right-wing populism. Using the method of paired comparison, this thesis examines Poland and the Czech Republic to determine the exact mechanisms of change behind media capture in these countries. I contend that different manifestations of neo-authoritarianism in the region are responsible for manifold attacks on media independence, including sophisticated strategies of using SLAPPs, strategic lawsuits against public participation, and increasing concentration of media ownership combined with potential conflicts of interest. I conclude by suggesting directions for further research and policy-making to address media freedom on both national and European levels.

The Arab Spring put several revolutions in motion in the Middle East and North Africa. However, Tunisia was the only country that succeeded with a democratization process, making the country a fairly new democracy. Simultaneously, independent research networks and organizations whose main focus is democracy and democratic values such as Freedom House, V-Demand the Arab Barometer are presenting worrying information about democracy around the world. Democracy is in crises - evident by the remarkable decline or erosion in democratic norms and practices. While scholars have already begun investigating the causes of democratic deconsolidation or backsliding in the context of western democracies, notably those of western Europe and the US, still little is known with regards to new democracies from other parts of the globe. To fill this research gap, this qualitative case study focuses on Tunisia, with the core objective to investigate whether or not Tunisia is experiencing democratic deconsolidation. By using the three criteria described by the political scientist Yascha Mounk in his deconsolidation theory, the result suggests that while democratic values are still quite strong amongst the Tunisian citizens, it is evident that a majority of the Tunisian citizens are experiencing institutional dissatisfaction and low institutional trust.

This thesis investigates the reasons behind democratic backsliding by looking at the past 15 years of democratic development in Poland and Hungary, two backsliding countries, and comparing it with Czech Republic, a country that has not faced severe democratic backsliding. Previous research has pointed to many different possible reasons for backsliding but there is no agreement on theoretical explanations, especially not for backsliding in countries that were previously perceived as having consolidated democracy. This study uses Linz and Stepans five arenas of consolidated democracy and compares Poland, Hungary, and Czech Republic through a most similar systems design in order to identify the arenas that can explain the democratic backsliding. In the second part of the analysis, these identified arenas -  civil society and rule of law - are more closely investigated over the 15-year time span in order to find what happened in Poland and Hungary and how it differs from what happened in Czech Republic. The study concludes that it is the combination of structurally insufficient democratic institutions and agents willing to abuse these structural deficits that lead to democratic backsliding. Further research is encouraged to identify other important arenas and include more countries in the comparison in order to strengthen any findings.

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This article examines the Swedish government's decoupling of feminism and gender equality. Drawing on scholarship on feminist backsliding and gender ideology, this article suggests that the Swedish government's decision to abandon the feminist agenda in its foreign policy reflects broader trends of anti-genderism as both an international and transnational phenomenon. I argue that the Swedish government separates feminism from gender equality in order to allow for a more conservative shaping of women's roles without rejecting gender equality, while respecting the social and cultural context. The study uses norm spoiling and critical frame analysis on the political manifestos of the governing parties to examine how the issue of feminism and gender equality are respectively framed and serve to drive a wedge between the two ideas. The article concludes by discussing similarities between the key frames identified in the analysis and those identified in the literature on transnational gender ideology discourse, finding that a common strategy to impede women's rights is evident.

This study analyzes the global impact of democratic backsliding on gender equality through cross-section regression analysis. As a wave of democratic backsliding is spreading around the world, scholars have started to notice a backlash against gender equality as well. Since these changes seem to happen simultaneously, the question is whether they are interrelated. Very little research has been done within this area, and the impact of democratic backsliding on gender equality is still relatively unknown. This study contributes to the understanding through a quantitative study analyzing the effect of democratic backsliding on gender equality on a global scale. The analysis is carried out in two steps. First, the impact of democratic backsliding on women as a group is analyzed. Secondly, the impact of democratic backsliding on gender equality in terms of relative power distribution between men and women is analyzed to find out whether de-democratizing is affecting women particularly hard. The results show that democratic backsliding is affecting women negatively. However, no impact can be confirmed on gender equality in terms of power distribution between women and men, which suggests that recent developments are likely explained by regional and contextual factors rather than democratic backsliding.

This paper investigates the interplay between pernicious polarization, autonomy of civil society - here called civil society capture, and liberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe from 2006 to 2020. In the absence of prior time-series data on pernicious polarization and civil society capture, this study built and analysed a dataset of these variables across the region, testing six hypotheses. The findings confirm that both pernicious polarization and civil society capture exhibited an increase during the study period across most CEE countries, the findings also confirm hypotheses linking polarization/civil society capture with democracy, revealing a negative correlation between these variables and liberal democracy. Moreover, a qualitative analysis conducted on four countries highlighted mechanisms through which polarization might contribute to democratic decline. Factors such as the depth of polarization, divisive rhetoric, and sociocultural divides emerged as crucial elements in potentially fuelling democratic backsliding.

Democratic backsliding is a growing threat against peace in Europe. In the 1990s, Europeunderwent extensive democratization, including Poland and Hungary, who were painted asexemplary in the transition. In recent years, however, the countries have shown the opposite development and are today the two countries in Europe that have the fastest declining democracy. The aim of this thesis is to understand this phenomenon and investigate the democratic developmentin Poland and Hungary through process tracing from the end of World War II to the year 2020. To do so, the theory of political culture is applied to elaborate the explanations of the development. Furthermore, there is a need to do further research concerning democratic backsliding in Poland and Hungary as they are often considered equals in the academic debate. Additionally, the purpose ofthis thesis is therefore to rebut this inaccurate presentation of the countries. The results are achieved by using process tracking and most different design as main methods. Thefindings of the thesis are based on the results of the analysis, concluding that the anti-democraticdevelopments in Poland and Hungary do indeed have differences. Through the process tracking, differences are found in the explanatory variables. The countries have similar critical events whichhave shaped the countries collective memory differently. This difference is also found in how the parties have created legitimacy among the population.

There is currently a global trend of democratic backsliding. The term democratic backsliding refers to the process in which a country undergoes a transition towards more authoritarian values and behavior. This process can weaken the democratic norms and institutions and can occur in democratic, hybrid, and nondemocratic regimes. Many countries around the world have been displaying nondemocratic tendencies for decades, but democratic backsliding is also transpiring in countries that have been democratic for an extended period of time. One country that has experienced forms of democratic backsliding is the United States of America, especially under the presidency of Donald Trump. The aim of this essay is to determine what authoritarian behavior Donald Trump engaged in during his presidential term from 2016 to 2020.  The theory on democratic backsliding by Bermeo as well as the four warning signs of authoritarian behavior by Levitsky and Ziblatt will be applied to conduct the research. The study is a qualitative case study, investigating each year of Donald Trump’s presidency. The results of this study indicate that Donald Trump did engage in authoritarian behavior during his presidential term.

This study investigates error fossilisation in the written English of Xhosa - speaking students. It is hypothesised that there is no statistically significant difference in the language errors of two groups of Grade 10 and Grade 12 students. Two randomly selected groups of 30 Grade 10 and 30 Grade 12 students in a rural senior secondary school in the Eastern Cape province were required to write two essays, of which the first two hundred words of each essay were marked. A frequency count of errors was done and comparisons were made. The findings indicate that the Grade 12s consistently made fewer errors. However, the difference is only statistically significant in the case of prepositions and concord, and is insignificant in tenses, pronouns and articles. The findings also show evidence of fossilisation given the persistence of some of the errors. Certain features in the student's language were not eradicated by the additional two years exposure to English. / English Studies / M.A. (Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages)