Com as mudanças do mundo moderno surgiu uma justificada preocupação global com a crescente prática de delitos contra a ordem econômica e a dificuldade que as autoridades enfrentam para apurá-los. Para socorrê-las surge o acordo de leniência, instrumento de investigação altamente eficaz de ampla aplicação em nações estrangeiras. Mas não por isso, este instituto deve ser importado ao nosso ordenamento tal qual utilizado em terras alienígenas, ignorando-se os direitos do delator e em flagrante desrespeito aos princípios constitucionais. Diante dessa problemática, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo realizar uma análise crítica acerca deste acordo e dos reflexos que provoca no âmbito penal, a fim de serem detectadas as falhas e incongruências de seu procedimento, bem como os seus aspectos inconstitucionais e, com isso, contribuir para a sua adequação ao ordenamento jurídico e seu desenvolvimento como meio de investigação para o combate aos crimes contra a ordem econômica, sobretudo, a formação de cartel. Em vista disso, será feito um estudo inicial sobre a relação entre Direito e Economia, Direito Concorrencial, seus interesses e a necessidade de tutela, inclusive pela via penal, da concorrência pelo Estado. Posteriormente, passar-se-á à análise das condutas anticoncorrenciais e dos crimes contra a ordem econômica, constatando-se os empecilhos para a investigação de tais delitos. A partir deste exame, far-se-á uma apresentação do acordo de leniência, suas origens, sua regulamentação em outros países para, então, a par das preocupações éticas que o circundam, realizar uma apreciação crítica dos efeitos que provoca na esfera penal. Ao final, em concordância com a necessidade de se manter o instituto, o presente trabalho buscará sanar as deficiências da atual legislação sobre o tema e, inclusive, da recémaprovada Lei nº 12.529/2011 , propondo alterações que visam minimizar a discricionariedade, o subjetivismo e a insegurança jurídica que permeiam o acordo, de modo a adequá-lo aos ditames constitucionais e torná-lo mais atraente aos candidatos. / The modern world has undergone changes that justify the global concern with the increasing occurrence of criminal offenses against the economic order and with the difficulty the authorities face to ascertain them by investigation. Precisely to aid the authorities, looms the leniency agreement, a highly effective investigation instrument of broad use in foreign countries. In spite of that, this institute shall not be imported to our legal system as regularly applied abroad ignoring the rights of the delator and of flagrant disrespect to constitutional principles. Before this issue, the current paper has the objective to promote a critical analysis concerning the leniency agreement and the reflexes it triggers in the criminal field, in order to evidence the flaws and incompatibility of its procedure, as well as its unconstitutional aspects, by that, be able to contribute with its suitability to the criminal systemand to its development as a mean of investigation to fight crimes against the economic order, overall, the formation of cartel. Due to that, an initial study is proposed about the relation between Law and Economics, Competition Law, their interests and the need of tutelage containing the criminal manner and the competition by the State. Later, an analysis of anti-competitive conducts and of crimes against the economic order containing the impediments to the investigation of such criminal offenses. Resulting from this examination, there will be a presentation of the leniency agreement, its origins, regulations in other countries, so that, in addition to the ethical concerns that surround the agreement, be possible the fulfillment of critical appraisal to the effects it causes in the criminal field. Finally, in accordance to the need to support the institute, the current paper seeks to heal the gaps of the current legislation related to the theme including, the newly approved Law number 12.529/2011 proposing changes that aim at minimizing the discretion, subjectivism and juridical insecurity that permeates the agreement, in a way to adequate it to the constitutional precepts and make it become more engaging to the candidates.

[pt] Esta tese discute três questões em torno das previsões de Heckscher-Ohlin (HO). A primeira se relaciona com o impacto da abertura comercial sobre o aumento na desigualdade salarial nos Estados Unidos, e apresenta resultados consistentes com esta premissa quando se leva em conta a distorção provocada pelos níveis de sindicalização dos trabalhadores não qualificados. A segunda discute as implicações teóricas e empíricas das fontes de vantagens comparativas reveladas pelo comércio em um dado país, propondo-se dois refinamentos teóricos à literatura: as diferenças tecnológicas entre países e entre períodos. Com base neste debate estudam-se as fontes de vantagens comparativas no Brasil e mostrase que o país é rico em trabalho não-qualificado, estoque capital e terra, mas escasso em trabalho qualificado. Por fim, estuda-se o impacto das políticas de livre comércio - ocorridas na década de noventa - sobre o mercado de trabalho brasileiro, levando em conta as mudanças tecnológicas. Todos os testes elaborados são consistentes com as previsões de HO, já as inovações tecnológicas tiveram efeitos contrários à abertura comercial no mercado de trabalho. / [en] This thesis analyzes three questions around the Heckscher- Ohlin (HO) predictions. The first one is related to trade impact on the increase of wage inequality in the United States, and presents results that are consistent with this argument when the distortion caused by unions of unskilled workers is taken into account. The second one studies the theoretical and empirical concerns related to the comparative advantages sources that are revealed by a country international trade. It is added two theoretical considerations to the literature: technological differences between countries and between periods. Based on this debate the comparative advantages sources are determined to Brazil, showing that this country is rich in unskilled workers, capital and land, but scarce in skilled workers. Finally, the impact of free international trade policies - occurred in the 90s - on the Brazilian labor market is evaluated, taking into account the technological changes. The tests elaborated are consistent with the HO predictions, and technological innovations present contrary effects to openness on labor market.

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This PhD thesis examines the Gulf monarchies of Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates as they strive to transform their political economies away from dependency on hydrocarbon revenues into more diverse sectors of economic activity. In particular, the research attempts to forecast the monarchies’ chances of achieving the transformation into principally private sector-led economies, while maintaining absolute rule and excluding those outside the circle of the ruling élites from political power or influence. The central research question guiding the study is ‘Human and National Security in Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates – Should Climate Change Matter?’ The effects of climate change provide a useful lens through which to examine each of the states’ policies and actions as they attempt to cope with the physical degradation of an already water and heat-stressed environment, coupled with declining oil and gas revenues from the West as a result of international climate change agreements. The thesis applies a ten question research framework to each of the entities to produce individual case studies for comparison. The research finds that climate change is acknowledged as an issue by each of the states, but is not at the top of their list of priorities. Rather, measures to improve human security are aimed at maximising the economic productiveness of each country to make up the deficit caused by decreasing hydrocarbon revenues and enable the monarchies to maintain the high level of free and subsidised state services they currently provide to their populations. They believe the effective maintenance of services directly contributes to political stability which assures the continuance of their current system of governance where political power lies solely with the rulers and their close advisors. Essentially, the priority for each of the ruling families is not climate change, but regime survival, preferably in its current form.

Com as mudanças do mundo moderno surgiu uma justificada preocupação global com a crescente prática de delitos contra a ordem econômica e a dificuldade que as autoridades enfrentam para apurá-los. Para socorrê-las surge o acordo de leniência, instrumento de investigação altamente eficaz de ampla aplicação em nações estrangeiras. Mas não por isso, este instituto deve ser importado ao nosso ordenamento tal qual utilizado em terras alienígenas, ignorando-se os direitos do delator e em flagrante desrespeito aos princípios constitucionais. Diante dessa problemática, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo realizar uma análise crítica acerca deste acordo e dos reflexos que provoca no âmbito penal, a fim de serem detectadas as falhas e incongruências de seu procedimento, bem como os seus aspectos inconstitucionais e, com isso, contribuir para a sua adequação ao ordenamento jurídico e seu desenvolvimento como meio de investigação para o combate aos crimes contra a ordem econômica, sobretudo, a formação de cartel. Em vista disso, será feito um estudo inicial sobre a relação entre Direito e Economia, Direito Concorrencial, seus interesses e a necessidade de tutela, inclusive pela via penal, da concorrência pelo Estado. Posteriormente, passar-se-á à análise das condutas anticoncorrenciais e dos crimes contra a ordem econômica, constatando-se os empecilhos para a investigação de tais delitos. A partir deste exame, far-se-á uma apresentação do acordo de leniência, suas origens, sua regulamentação em outros países para, então, a par das preocupações éticas que o circundam, realizar uma apreciação crítica dos efeitos que provoca na esfera penal. Ao final, em concordância com a necessidade de se manter o instituto, o presente trabalho buscará sanar as deficiências da atual legislação sobre o tema e, inclusive, da recémaprovada Lei nº 12.529/2011 , propondo alterações que visam minimizar a discricionariedade, o subjetivismo e a insegurança jurídica que permeiam o acordo, de modo a adequá-lo aos ditames constitucionais e torná-lo mais atraente aos candidatos. / The modern world has undergone changes that justify the global concern with the increasing occurrence of criminal offenses against the economic order and with the difficulty the authorities face to ascertain them by investigation. Precisely to aid the authorities, looms the leniency agreement, a highly effective investigation instrument of broad use in foreign countries. In spite of that, this institute shall not be imported to our legal system as regularly applied abroad ignoring the rights of the delator and of flagrant disrespect to constitutional principles. Before this issue, the current paper has the objective to promote a critical analysis concerning the leniency agreement and the reflexes it triggers in the criminal field, in order to evidence the flaws and incompatibility of its procedure, as well as its unconstitutional aspects, by that, be able to contribute with its suitability to the criminal systemand to its development as a mean of investigation to fight crimes against the economic order, overall, the formation of cartel. Due to that, an initial study is proposed about the relation between Law and Economics, Competition Law, their interests and the need of tutelage containing the criminal manner and the competition by the State. Later, an analysis of anti-competitive conducts and of crimes against the economic order containing the impediments to the investigation of such criminal offenses. Resulting from this examination, there will be a presentation of the leniency agreement, its origins, regulations in other countries, so that, in addition to the ethical concerns that surround the agreement, be possible the fulfillment of critical appraisal to the effects it causes in the criminal field. Finally, in accordance to the need to support the institute, the current paper seeks to heal the gaps of the current legislation related to the theme including, the newly approved Law number 12.529/2011 proposing changes that aim at minimizing the discretion, subjectivism and juridical insecurity that permeates the agreement, in a way to adequate it to the constitutional precepts and make it become more engaging to the candidates.

[pt] Por que, em face da possibilidade de barganhas Coasianas, guerras civis ocorrem? Uma teoria respondendo à essa pergunta é de que as partes do conflito tem comprometimento limitado com os termos da barganha. Supondo que barganhas Coasianas são possíveis, esse artigo enuncia condições sob as quais tal nível de comprometimento é identificável a partir dos dados. Explicitamente, a obtenção de dados com variação de controle de recursos sob guerra e sob paz permite a identificação do nível de comprometimento com barganhas Coasianas. O artigo aplica o modelo teórico à dados de painel de 133 países entre 1975 e 2004. Os resultados indicam que o modelo de comprometimento limitado com barganhas coasianas apresentado no artigo parece não ser uma boa explicação dos dados: estima-se um nível alto de comprometimento para o país com variáveis observáveis na média amostral. Mais ainda, o modelo indica custos de guerra negativos, algo incoerente com as hipótese do modelo. O modelo estimado indica que, para cerca de 90 por cento da amostra, a restrição imposta por comprometimento limitado não é ativa, e esses países-ano enfrentam uma probabilidade de guerra de cerca de 2 por cento. Para os outros 10 por cento da amostra, a restrição imposta por comprometimento limitado é ativa e impõe à esses países uma probabilidade de guerra de 80 por cento. Finalmente, vale ressaltar que os resultados são sensíveis ao tipo de heterogeneidade analisada. / [en] Why do inefficient civil wars happen when Coasian bargaining is possible? One theory for that is that players have limited commitment to the implementation of the terms of such bargains. This paper provides conditions under which, given the assumption that Coasian bargains are possible, such commitment levels are identifiable in the data. More explicitly, if there is variation in control of resources under peace and under war in the data, one can identify commitment to Coasian bargains. When applying the model to panel data for 133 countries between 1975-2004, the results indicate that a model of limited commitment is a poor explanation for the country with the average observables in the data. For about 90 percent of my sample, commitment constraints do not seem to be binding, and these countries face a probability of war of around 2 percent. For the rest of my sample, commitment constraints are binding and these country-years face a probability of war of around 80 percent. These conclusions have the important caveat that they might be sensitive to the type of heterogeneity considered.

Section 23(5) of the Constitution entrenches trade unions, employer's organisations and employers' right to engage in collective bargaining. For employees, collective bargaining is the key which opens the door to better wages, improved working conditions and an overall better standard of living to name but a few. The Labour Relations Act was promulgated to give effect to section 23 of the Constitution. However, in section 2 of the Labour Relations Act, members of the South African National Defence Force were excluded from the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (LRA). After the Constitutional Court regarded members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) to be "workers", they also had the right to engage in collective bargaining. However, because of the special duty that the members of the SANDF have to fulfil namely to ensure the safety of the republic and its citizens, they are not awarded the right to strike. The question therefor is: How do the members of the SANDF compel the SANDF to bargain with them? The aim of this study is to establish if a duty to bargain was implemented by Chapter XX of the General Regulations of the South African National Defence Force and the Reserve. Firstly, the new dispensation of voluntarism under the new LRA is examined to understand how collective bargaining would work in a normal situation and not that of the members of the SANDF. Freedom of association is also discussed. The reason for this was because members of the SANDF also have to right to associate with a trade union of their choice by sections 18 and 23(2) of the Constitution. Under the new LRA, organisational rights also play a major role in the bargaining process and afford trade unions more bargaining power. The voluntarist approach followed by the new LRA effectively removed the duty to bargain from collective bargaining. As explained above, the special situation applicable to the SANDF and its members are not governed by the LRA and therefor a duty to bargain might still exist in this specific system of collective bargaining managed by the regulations. The duty to bargain is based on representativeness and good faith which are also examined in this study. To establish if a duty to bargain was created by the courts, an examination of the judgements of the High Court, the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court reiterated that there is no legally enforceable duty to bargain between the SANDF and the South African National Defence Union (SANDU). If Chapter XX of the regulations is scrutinised, it can however be seen that there is an initial duty on the SANDF to bargain with a registered military trade union over matter set out in regulation 36 which include most if not all matters of mutual interest. Therefor it would seem that a duty to bargain is created by Chapter XX. / LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Section 23(5) of the Constitution entrenches trade unions, employer's organisations and employers' right to engage in collective bargaining. For employees, collective bargaining is the key which opens the door to better wages, improved working conditions and an overall better standard of living to name but a few. The Labour Relations Act was promulgated to give effect to section 23 of the Constitution. However, in section 2 of the Labour Relations Act, members of the South African National Defence Force were excluded from the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (LRA). After the Constitutional Court regarded members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) to be "workers", they also had the right to engage in collective bargaining. However, because of the special duty that the members of the SANDF have to fulfil namely to ensure the safety of the republic and its citizens, they are not awarded the right to strike. The question therefor is: How do the members of the SANDF compel the SANDF to bargain with them? The aim of this study is to establish if a duty to bargain was implemented by Chapter XX of the General Regulations of the South African National Defence Force and the Reserve. Firstly, the new dispensation of voluntarism under the new LRA is examined to understand how collective bargaining would work in a normal situation and not that of the members of the SANDF. Freedom of association is also discussed. The reason for this was because members of the SANDF also have to right to associate with a trade union of their choice by sections 18 and 23(2) of the Constitution. Under the new LRA, organisational rights also play a major role in the bargaining process and afford trade unions more bargaining power. The voluntarist approach followed by the new LRA effectively removed the duty to bargain from collective bargaining. As explained above, the special situation applicable to the SANDF and its members are not governed by the LRA and therefor a duty to bargain might still exist in this specific system of collective bargaining managed by the regulations. The duty to bargain is based on representativeness and good faith which are also examined in this study. To establish if a duty to bargain was created by the courts, an examination of the judgements of the High Court, the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court reiterated that there is no legally enforceable duty to bargain between the SANDF and the South African National Defence Union (SANDU). If Chapter XX of the regulations is scrutinised, it can however be seen that there is an initial duty on the SANDF to bargain with a registered military trade union over matter set out in regulation 36 which include most if not all matters of mutual interest. Therefor it would seem that a duty to bargain is created by Chapter XX. / LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

A presente pesquisa pretende ser útil nos esclarecimentos da maneira pela qual a experiência advinda do processo de industrialização na Inglaterra, e aperfeiçoada pelos estadunidenses, denominada contrato coletivo de trabalho, poderia servir de parâmetro para o Brasil e México, em termos da contribuição que este instrumento tem dado ao bem-estar social dos trabalhadores. As relações históricas de trabalho no contexto da economia política e na contemporaneidade destes relacionamentos com blocos econômicos diversos são analisadas, bem como as implicações para as relações de trabalho, em especial para os contratos coletivos. As análises feitas visam contribuir para uma melhor compreensão histórica do conflito do capital versus trabalho para elucidar a maneira pela qual seria conveniente atentar para uma melhor compreensão do equilíbrio necessário para valorizar estas relações. Propõe analisar a situação econômica básica versus o processo político e a dinâmica do relacionamento das classes sociais trabalhadoras tendo em vista a influência da doutrina monetarista-liberal de Milton Friedman, chamada de neoliberal, incluindo-se aspectos do peso secundário que a América Latina tem no cenário estratégico dos grandes países capitalistas, por isso as análises foram realizadas tendo em vista preliminarmente uma distinção metodológica fundamental entre direito objetivo e direito não objetivado para que se compreendesse sob a luz dessa distinção as influências recíprocas da economia e da política sobre o homem no horizonte das indefinições da práxis social. Procurou-se, também, o espírito da investigação histórico-estrutural, imiscuir-se nas influências externas comuns, questionando as facetas do internacionalismo trabalhista e suas ramificações, e a maneira como se desenvolveram comparativamente. / The present study should be of interest for the understanding how the experience of labor collective bargain contract, allowed by the industrialization process in England and improved by the North Americans, should be used as parameter for Brazil and Mexico, in terms of the contribution that this instrument has been giving to the workers\' social welfare. It analyzes also the history of the political economy and its contemporariness and the relationships with several capitalist blocks and the implications for the collective bargain contracts. It seeks for a best understanding the conflicts between capital versus labor, trying to elucidate the way should be better to comprehend the necessity of equilibrium, to promote the best value to the workers. It analyzes moroever the basic economy status versus the political process and the dynamics of the relationship of the working classes, considering the influence of the monetarist-liberal doctrine of Milton Friedman, called as neoliberal, included aspects of the secondary influence that Latin America has in the great capitalists\' strategic scenery. The analyses were done in terms of the fundamental methodological distinction between the objective law and nonobjectified law as a way to comprehend, under the focus of this distinction, the reciprocal influences from economics and politics concerning the man in the indefinite horizon of social praxis. The spirit of the historical-structural investigations also attempts for a critical look of the external influences, questioning about labor internationalism faces and their ramifications that has been developed comparatively