O trabalho tem como objetivo analisar noções e teses fundamentais com as quais Benhabib constrói uma concepção de espaço público universalista capaz de superar a primazia do domínio legal, o excesso de racionalismo e a cegueira de gênero das teorias morais e políticas modernas, que segundo a autora ainda estão presentes na ética do discurso de seu interlocutor direto, Jurgen Habermas. Em nossa chave de leitura, este espaço público efetivamente democrático, capaz de responder às contribuições feministas, tem como pilar central as relações ético-políticas estabelecidas em regime conversacional, sob a égide do conceito de outro concreto, num continuum com o conceito de outro generalizado. Para cumprir este objetivo, procuramos mostrar que a participação dialógica no espaço público funciona como um procedimento de validação das regras de ação, ao mesmo tempo em que são vetores na transformação moral e política dos agentes. Em seguida, expomos como o conceito de outro concreto serve de plataforma para a superação das teorias éticas centradas no direito e na justiça, possibilitando a constituição de uma ética que considere as diferenças e a inclua questões de boa vida e felicidade em seu corpo teórico. Por fim, levando em consideração as críticas feministas sobre o déficit de gênero, bem como sobre a falta de concretude das teorias morais, sinalizamos a necessidade da construção de um novo modelo de espaço público que supere tais defasagens e, neste sentido, seja efetivamente democrático. / This work aims to analyze fundamental notions and theses with which Benhabib constructs a conception of universalistic public space capable of overcoming the primacy of the legal domain, the excess of rationalism and the blindness of gender in modern moral and political theories which are still present in the Discourse Ethics of hers direct interlocutor, Jürgen Habermas. In our interpretation, this effectively democratic public space, capable of responding to feminist contributions, is based on ethical-political relations established under a conversational regime, through the concept of \"concrete other\", in a continuum with the concept of \"generalized\" other. In order to fulfill this objective, we try to show that dialogic participation in public space functions as a validation procedure for the rules of action, while at the same time they are vectors in the moral and political transformation of the agents. Following, we explain how the concept of the \"concrete other\" serves as a platform for overcoming ethical theories centered on law and justice, enabling the constitution of an ethic that considers differences and includes questions of good life and happiness in its theoretical framework. Finally, taking into account the feminist critiques of gender deficit, as well as the lack of concreteness of moral theories, we signal the need to construct a new model of public space that overcomes such lags and, in this sense, be effectively democratic.

Den här studien presenterar, tolkar och analyserar Seyla Benhabibs kommunikativa etik samt undersöker vilka implikationer denna får för religionsdialog som praktisk diskurs. Med utgångspunkt från den kommunikativa etikens båda grundläggande principer om universell moralisk respekt och egalitär ömsesidighet samt idén om det radikalt situerade moraliska subjektet arbetar författaren fram ett förslag på normativa utgångspunkter för religionsdialog mellan kristna och muslimer i Sverige. Aspekter av genus och makt kommenteras särskilt. Studien visar på hur den kommunikativa etiken ställer långtgående krav på dialogens förutsättningar, förberedelser likväl som på dess deltagare. Samtidigt framträder en etik som inte väjer för kontroversiella frågor och obehagliga samtal. I studien framhålls dialogens upprätthållande och kontinuitet som det överordnade målet. / This study presents, interprets and analyzes Seyla Benhabib's discourse ethics, and investigates its implications for religious dialogue as practical discourse. On the basis of the fundamental principles of universal moral respect and egalitarian reciprocity, as well as the idea of ​​the situated moral self, the author proposes ten normative starting points for inter-religious dialogue between Christians and Muslims in Sweden. Aspects of gender and power are commented in particular. The study shows how discourse ethics impose far-reaching demands on the conditions of the dialogue, on the preparation of it as well as on its participants. The continuity of dialogue is emphasized as the overall goal.

This thesis argues that to take into account only liberal interpretations of multicultural dilemmas would be insufficient and unrealistic in assessing the claims of justice for ethnocultural diversity. The current liberal approach as offered by Will Kymlicka is a good beginning for ethnic conflict management. However, his theory is marked by a number of limitations due to the fact that he operates only with the principles and norms of liberal institutions. In modern multiculturally constituted democracies, the presence and constant increase of cultural diversity challenges the self-understanding of liberal democracy. Kymlicka's liberal theory of multiculturalism has been challenged by several political theorists, who emphasize the insufficiency of his approach due its reliance on liberal readings of ethnic conflicts. [from Introduction, p. [1]]

Mitt syfte är att undersöka huruvida sär- eller samundervisning bör tillämpas inom skolan i arbetet med förståelsen av våldtäkt. Min metod är att använda mig av Stina Jeffners resultat från hennes undersökning om ungdomars förståelse av våldtäkt hämtade ur hennes bok Liksom våldtäkt typ… om ungdomars förståelse av våldtäkt. Som verktyg för analys använder jag mig av teoretiska perspektiv kring sär- och samundervisning och Seyla Benhabibs teori kring den deliberativa diskussionen. Jag kommer dessutom ha mina utgångspunkter i vad läroplanen för grundskolan Lpo-94 förskriver om sär- och samundervisning. Mitt resultat visar att både sär- och samundervisning bör användas inom skolan i arbetet med förståelsen av våldtäkt och den deliberativa diskussion bör även användas i detta arbete. Den deliberativa diskussionen är mest lämplig att användas i särundervisning där pojkar och flickor är åtskilda.Utifrån läroplanen Lpo-94 och dess mål kring jämställdhet och genus kan både sär- och samundervisning användas. Det har ingen betydelse huruvida man ser våldtäkt som ett samhälleligt problem eller ett problem på individnivå då det utifrån Jeffners reslutat visar att det viktigaste är att de manliga könsnormerna lyfts fram och förändras oberoende varifrån de verkar.

Denna studie syftar till att, genom en komparativ ideologianalys, analysera tre valda filosofiska modeller och uttolka vilka implikationer dessa kan ha vad gäller religionsämnets syftesbeskrivning ur LGY11; att eleverna ska "förstå och leva i ett samhälle präglat av mångfald." Studien syftar inte till att argumentera för någon specifik modell. De modeller som analyserats är hämtade ur verk författade av Charles Taylor, Seyla Benhabib samt Martha Nussbaum. Analysen påvisade såväl skillnader som likheter mellan de olika modellerna. Analysen påvisade att kristendomens särställning som "förvaltare av den svenska värdegrunden" kan vara en problematisk aspekt av läroplanen då kristendomen kan tas som neutral, objektiv eller tolkas som innehållande en "god" essentiell kärna. Ett annat resultat vilket uttolkades av de analyserade modellerna var att förståelse för de andra, måste föregås av en kritisk granskning av, eller medvetenhet om, den egna utgångspunkten. Detta tolkades som ytterst relevant i en religionsundervisning vilken syftar till att uppnå förståelse för mångfald

The Jasmin Revolution in Tunisia began at the end of 2010. Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest against the corrupt police officials that had forced him to pay bribes in order to run his business. His protest became the symbol for the revolution that followed. A combination of political instabilities along with an economic downturn that lead to unemployment created dissatisfaction among the people in Tunisia. The Protest grew into a revolution that demanded action against the widespread unemployment, lack of democracy and human rights. A democratization process started after the revolution because of the protests. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse how Tunisia developed a democratic system of governance, if the notion of human rights has changed since the democratization process started and to analyse the relationship between human rights and democracy within the case of Tunisia. Three democratization theories, are applied to this case on Tunisia in order to answer these questions. The theorists are Robert A. Dahl with a theory of constitutionalism and institutionalism, Chantal Mouffe with a theory of agonistic pluralism and Seyla Benhabib with a theory of deliberative democracy.  The three theorists have different opinions regarding democracy and democratization processes but they all agree that the modern notion of democracy is of liberal character and that inclusion and that equality is important for a democracy. This thesis shows that the democratization of Tunisia’s governance could arise because the process had a relatively liberal agenda, which is perceived through the theories as the modern concept of democracy. The three theories require inclusion and equality for a transition to be democratic. Tunisia has included the citizens in the work of establishing a better relationship between the state and citizens but also when drafting the new constitution after the revolution. The actions taken by Tunisia are compatible with the theories, and maybe an explanation to the democratization process. The relationship between democracy and human rights is important when discussing the democratization of Tunisia. The revolution demanded democracy and human rights, something that the state could not deny. In order to honour the revolution and its demands the government in Tunisia tried to incorporate human rights into the democratic work, linking the relationship between democracy and human rights. Therefore, it can be viewed as a liberal democratization process. This thesis proves that Tunisia is not a democracy, but the process after the revolution is still remarkable and one day I can only hope that the process will be complete.

As European governments rapidly turn their attention to the implementation of the EU-Turkey agreement, this thesis raises significant questions regarding refugees’ access to international protection. At its core, the agreement aims to address the flow of irregular migrants and asylum seekers traveling across the Mediterranean from Turkey to Greece, by allowing returns of “all irregular migrants”. The aim of this thesis has been to examine if these actions limit two fundamental refugee rights; the right to seek asylum and the principle of non-refoulement. If so, are these restrictions legitimate according to Seyla Benhabib’s and Joseph Carens’ theory? These two theoreticians have been chosen because they problematize the conflicting view of state sovereignty in relation to refugees’ rights. This is significant when the state maintains border control and is responsible to prevent refugees from entering the state. This thesis shows that the EU-Turkey agreement is not compatible with the practical obligations of states under international law and the European Union asylum policy, simply because Turkey is not a safe third country for refugees to be sent back to. Thus, the actions within the agreement does restrict refugees’ right to seek asylum and the principle of non-refoulement. These restrictions cannot be considered legitimate, based on the thesis’ theoretical approach. To study the EU-Turkey agreement involves addressing one of the most urgent topics in international law and political theory, as well as providing normative grounds for future migration agreements between states.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the Swedish debate regarding genetically modified food products. What does the moral disagreements within this debate entail? In which way would it be possible to obtain and maintain a true dialogue? Is consensus a plausible or even a desirable goal? Can communicative ethics contribute? These questions are analysed in this research project.</p><p>The project focuses on three themes of the debate on genetically modified food 1990-2000 in Sweden. The first theme is in relation to the concepts: natural and unnatural. Within the debate on genetically modified food, there have been various wide ranging arguments on whether or not genetic modification is natural or unnatural. </p><p>The second theme concerns the concepts of risk and benefit. Safety questions and possible risks and benefits have been subjects of discussion and debate for a long time. This analysis highlights the way risks or benefits are valued. What does it mean if something is a risk? </p><p>The third theme concerns the argumentations regarding democracy, mostlyin relation to labelling discussions. Democracy is used to describe freedom of choice, another argumentation focuses on the right to be a part of the decision making process.</p><p>The last part of the thesis discusses the question whether communicative ethics can contribute to obtain dialogue between various parties, and whether consensus is possible or even a desirable as a goal. How would this function in a debate where there is an ethical disagreement based on divergent ethical standpoints? </p>

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the Swedish debate regarding genetically modified food products. What does the moral disagreements within this debate entail? In which way would it be possible to obtain and maintain a true dialogue? Is consensus a plausible or even a desirable goal? Can communicative ethics contribute? These questions are analysed in this research project. The project focuses on three themes of the debate on genetically modified food 1990-2000 in Sweden. The first theme is in relation to the concepts: natural and unnatural. Within the debate on genetically modified food, there have been various wide ranging arguments on whether or not genetic modification is natural or unnatural. The second theme concerns the concepts of risk and benefit. Safety questions and possible risks and benefits have been subjects of discussion and debate for a long time. This analysis highlights the way risks or benefits are valued. What does it mean if something is a risk? The third theme concerns the argumentations regarding democracy, mostlyin relation to labelling discussions. Democracy is used to describe freedom of choice, another argumentation focuses on the right to be a part of the decision making process. The last part of the thesis discusses the question whether communicative ethics can contribute to obtain dialogue between various parties, and whether consensus is possible or even a desirable as a goal. How would this function in a debate where there is an ethical disagreement based on divergent ethical standpoints?

In modern times of globalisation, most countries no longer consist of a homogeneous population. People from different backgrounds, with different stories, religion and culture live together in the same community. Unfortunately, this creates challenges and a modern state needs to have a plan for integration so that all these groups and individuals may live together peacefully, which is important in aspects of universal human rights and human dignity, but also for the function of a society. In this Master's thesis in Human Rights, questions about integration are discussed in a European context through four ideal-typical integration policy options from a model by Karin Borevi; together with perspectives from Seyla Benhabib, Abdelmalek Sayad and Charles Taylor. The four ideal-typical options for integration that are used in this thesis are: 1: Assimilaion to an ethnic community 2: Politics for ethnic exclusion 3: Assimilation to a civil community 4: Multicultural politics. Integration in Sweden, Great Britain and France during the 90's are used as illustrative examples of integration in order to be able to discuss the ideal-typical policy options in relation to real examples for demonstrating which political ideas and values that are built into different models of integration. In the end a normative discussion results in a solution of which values that should be prioritised and which strategy that is the best to accomplish these values. I conclude amongst other things that different forms of integration value culture, groups or individuals differently and that many different types of strategies and politics can be put into the same ideal-typical option for integration. People tend to treat cultures as unchangeable and well-defined units, even though they in reality seem to be of a changeable nature. The modern state should in my opinion work more with the principles around which type of society that would be the best for all its citizens and not so much how we should preserve what cannot be preserved in the first place, like cultures. We should create societies where cultures can mix and change. The global world is here to stay and so is the heterogeneous society, the state should focus on creating a society built on this fact, where society and people as individuals may grow.