The work deals with the history of the Olympic Games, which were held in Moscow in 1980 and four years later in Los Angeles. These two major sporting events have been very affected by the political situation. The Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan in the end of 1979 led to the boycott of the Olympic Games from the US and a number of other States. I t was the largest boycott of the history of the games.Also indirectly led to the boycott of the games in Los Angeles, the Soviet Union and its satellites four years later. It is therefore both Olympics history analyzed in political context internationally. In this respect are the most important relations between the Soviet Union and the United States, mentioned are the other important events of international politics in the 1970s. years, including the Soviet-Afghan relations. In the case of two Olympiads are mentioned important facts concerning the Organization of the games facilities, sports venues, results and more. Mention also the impact of the boycott to cast individual and team competitions both Olympics. Part of the work is devoted to the Czechoslovak looking at the whole issue. The history of the Olympics, both the international situation and the way they were presented and accepted at the time in Czechoslovakia are the result of a...

Tesis para obtener el grado de Magíster en Estudios Internacionales / El movimiento ciudadano internacional Boicot, Desinversiones y Sanciones Contra Israel – BDS surge como respuesta frente a la persistente pasividad de la comunidad internacional respecto de la insostenible y desastrosa situación que vive el pueblo palestino ya sea en el exilio o bajo la discriminación, segregación y represión institucional, una realidad que se ha mantenido así por siete décadas. Los tres únicos objetivos de su campaña están basados en el Derecho Internacional y en resoluciones de Naciones Unidas, resoluciones que hasta la fecha no han sido cumplidas por el Estado Israelí. Se trata de una forma de lucha no violenta cuya estrategia de desinversión y boicot económico, académico y cultural a empresas e instituciones vinculadas a la ocupación han generado la presión suficiente para provocar cambios en la política exterior israelí, presentando una nueva imagen al exterior. La presente investigación tiene por objeto analizar el poder de atracción o Soft Power del BDS y su capacidad de empujar al Estado Israelí hacia la reconfiguración de su propaganda política o “hasbara” la cual constituye el núcleo de su diplomacia pública. / The Boycott, Divestments and Sanctions Against Israel campaign or BDS is an international social movement which emerges as a response to the international community’s persistent lack of determination regarding the unsustainable and devastating situation of the Palestinian people, who are living either in exile or under discrimination, segregation and institutional repression, situation they have been going through for seven decades. The three objectives of the BDS campaign are based on international law and on United Nations resolutions which, to date, have not been met by the Israeli State. BDS is a non-violent struggle whose divestment strategy and economic, academic and cultural boycott of companies and institutions linked to the Israeli occupation have produced enough pressure to make Israel change its foreign policy introducing a whole new image abroad. The purpose of this research is to analyze the power of attraction or Soft Power of the BDS and its ability to push the Israeli State towards the reconfiguration of its political propaganda or "hasbara" which constitutes the core of its public diplomacy. / 2018.01.01

Thesis--Auburn University, 2009. / Abstract. Includes bibliographic references (p.87-89).

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2008. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

This study aims to survey the news coverage regarding the 2019 boycott of the Swedish national women’s ice hockey team. The primary focus is to convey the portrayal of both gender and the boycott, while eventual changes in framing through time and between newspapers have been considered. The study has utilized a theoretical framework, consisting of media theories Agenda-Setting Theory and Framing Theory as well as gender theory. Both research fields have also been supported by previous research. The study has been conducted through a mixed methodology with quantitative content analysis as well as a critical discourse analysis as described by Norman Fairclough. The material has been assorted through a stratified sampling, consisting of a total of 224 articles from 79 different Swedish newspapers published between August 1st and November 30th, 2019. The material for the critical discourse analysis consists of eight articles, two from each month, which has been chosen through a purposive sample to match the quantitative content analysis. The results show that women have a prominent and professional role in the news coverage, in both body text and headlines. However, women mainly defend the boycott and the choices that lead to the situation. Men discuss the topic more freely, although they are not the primary source of information. The boycott is portrayed as a consequence of an economic factor, rather than the treatment that lead to economic differences between men and women. The news coverage has mainly framed the event in similar ways, giving a tantamount report of the boycott. Although there is a measurable change through time, there are no differences in the main framing, such as the economical take of the articles. Therefore, this study concludes that framing contributes to the portrayal of traditional gender roles. Furthermore, the portrayal of the boycott promotes that men, who mainly write the articles, are unable to understand the problem of treatment, leading to framing that aims towards male readers.

With the growing role of social media in society today, a more accessible dissemination of information between customers through eWOM is also growing. Especially the negative eWOM can have a huge impact on customers and get devastating results. Scandals in the fast fashion industry are getting more and more attention, which has contributed to consumers boycotting companies. It is still a relatively unexplored area where researchers mainly have been looking at boycott motivations. These purposes can be both social and ethical and customers can take different measures to show that he or she is against the scandal. It is common today that a scandal gets a lot of attention during a limited period of time where the customer chooses to participate in a boycott for a while and then returns to the company. Based on this research gap, the research question was further formulated as to;   Why do customers choose to return to companies within the fast fashion industry they have previously boycotted due to a scandal?   The study focuses on customers who have been loyal to fast fashion companies and where they have been active in a boycott and then returned. The main purpose of this thesis is to gain a deeper understanding of why boycotting consumers choose to go back to fast fashion retail companies that they have boycotted previously. Based on this, the interviews explored factors in relation to customer loyalty and eWOM that affect customers' view and perception of the company. By conducting this study and examining factors by using a qualitative approach, customer loyalty and eWOM's impact on customers' propensity to repurchase were examined, considering the theoretical framework.    The theoretical framework included customer loyalty, boycott and motivations for boycott as well as social media and more specifically eWOM. Based on the framework, eight semi-structured interviews were conducted with people who participated in a boycott and then returned to companies. Furthermore, the empirical data was analysed by using the theoretical framework based on a thematic analysis. The analysis resulted in findings that customers are affected by negative eWOM and a high exposure of information which then decreases, which leads to customers forgetting the scandal and no longer associating the company with a negative feeling.

This thesis is an analysis of the extensive transformation of the Olympic movement, which occurred at the end of the 20th century. The main focus is on the importance of the XXIII Olympiad in Los Angeles, regarded as a major milestone in the history of the modern Olympic movement. The introductory chapter deals with the 1970s' crisis of the Olympic movement. The second chapter describes the complications related to the allocation of the Olympic Games to Los Angeles. Based on the XXIII Olympiad, the third and the fourth chapter analyse the revolution in Olympic marketing. The objective of the fifth chapter is to demonstrate the need for the financial independence of the Olympic movement in the context of the Cold War, the Soviet boycott in particular. The last two chapters deal with the commercialization of the Olympic movement, the reform of the IOC and the discussion regarding the timeliness of the Olympic values.

Essa dissertação discute a X Bienal de São Paulo, de 1969, buscando investigá-la dentro de uma conjuntura sociopolítica e cultural marcada pelas arbitrariedades de um regime ditatorial, pelas manifestações coletivas contrárias às injustiças, e pela tomada de uma consciência social por artistas e críticos de arte. O estudo procura, dessa forma, ampliar a discussão para além do boicote que atingiu a organização e realização da mostra. Por meio de uma extensa pesquisa dos documentos relativos ao assunto acumulados no Arquivo Histórico Wanda Svevo Fundação Bienal de São Paulo, foi possível juntar um material informativo que auxiliou na reconstrução dos fatos. Ao lado disso, para estabelecer uma análise crítica dos dados encontrados, recorreu-se aos relatos dos acontecimentos publicados na imprensa escrita da época e a uma bibliografia atualizada do campo da política, da sociologia, da história e da arte. A pesquisa apresenta os diversos ângulos de visão e atitude que permearam o boicote e a X Bienal inseridos no contexto efervescente do final da década de 1960. A mostra se concretizou marcada por contestações políticas e culturais e reverberou internamente os mesmo conflitos e contradições ideológicas do cenário macropolítico. Essa agitação teve como origem o impulso utópico por transformações radicais das estruturas conservadoras. / This essay examine the 10th São Paulo Biennial, from 1969, investigating it within a cultural and socio-political situation marked by arbitrariness of a dictatorship, the collective manifestations against injustices, and the social consciousness taking by artists and art critics. The study aims, therefore, broaden the discussion beyond the boycott that has reached the arrangements and the materialization of the show. By an extensive research of documents related to the subject accumulated at the Wanda Svevo Historical Archive - São Paulo Biennial Foundation, it was possible to collect a number of information that helped reconstructing the facts. Besides, to establish a critical analysis of the informational findings, it was restored the published press reports from that time and an updated bibliography of politics, sociology, history and art field. The research presents the different angles of vision and attitude that permeated the boycott and the 10th Biennial seething within the context of the late 1960s. The show was achieved marked by political and cultural challenges and reverberated inside the same conflicts and ideological contradictions of the macro-political scenario. This agitation had its origins in the utopian impulse looking for transformations of the conservative structures.

Nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, as campanhas antipele atingiram seu auge e conquistaram notoriedade por meio das mídias tradicionais com a participação de inúmeras celebridades ligadas às indústrias do entretenimento e da moda, especialmente de um tipo particular (mulher e jovem) (EMBERLEY, 1997; NADEAU, 2011). Nos anos 2000, as Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs) ampliaram as possibilidades de arranjos e de manifestações sociais como instrumentos de pressão, tanto nas esferas pública e privada, entre os mais diversos grupos e causas, incluindo a dos direitos dos animais. Desde então, iniciativas de boicote às marcas e às empresas envolvidas na produção e no comércio global das roupas de peles de animais tornaram-se o principal foco das campanhas antipele no Brasil e no exterior. Essas, empreendidas nos ambientes virtuais na Internet e para além desses, estão orientadas, sobretudo, pelas noções de sofrimento e de crueldade animal e, nos últimos anos, de consumo sustentável ou ético. Assim, esta dissertação analisa, por meio de uma etnografia em escala awkward (COMAROFF; COMAROFF, 2003), o jogo de forças constituído na tensão entre as diferentes noções de pele e couro, sofrimento e crueldade animal e consumo sustentável nos fluxos comunicacionais surgidos com as campanhas Boicote Arezzo (#boicotearezzo), Blogueira Sangrenta (#blogueirasangrenta) e Sexta Feira Mundial Sem Pele (Worldwide Fur-Free Friday – WFFF), ocorridas no Brasil em 2011 e 2012. O debate em torno do uso de peles instaurado a partir das controvérsias envolvendo essas três campanhas evidencia: (i) como as manifestações individuais ou coletivas realizadas em ambientes virtuais têm interferido nas pautas de consumo envolvendo a pluralidade ética em relação aos animais não humanos e aos estilos de vida contemporâneos e (ii) de que maneira os episódios se relacionam frente às respostas do Estado Brasileiro, como o Projeto de Lei nº 684/2011 em tramitação no Congresso Nacional – adendo à Lei de Crimes Ambientais – que proíbe o uso de peles em eventos de moda e promove campanhas de conscientização nas escolas brasileiras contra o uso de peles. / In the 1980s and 1990s antifur campaigns reached their peak and gained notoriety in traditional media with the participation of numerous celebrities associated to the entertainment and fashion industries, especially of one particular type of celebrity (female and young) (EMBERLEY, 1997; NADEAU, 2011). In the 2000s, the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) expanded the possibilities of social arrangements and manifestations as instruments of pressure in the public and private spheres amongst various groups and causes, including those for animal rights. Since then, initiatives to boycott the brands and companies involved in the production and global trade of fur clothing became the main focus of antifur campaigns in Brazil and abroad. These, taken in virtual spaces on the Internet and beyond, are oriented primarily by the notions of animal suffering and animal cruelty, and, in recent years, sustainable or ethical consumption. Thus, this dissertation examines, through an ethnography on an awkward scale (COMAROFF; COMAROFF, 2003), the interplay of forces constituted in the tension between the different notions of fur and leather, animal suffering and cruelty and sustainable consumption in the communication flows emerged in the Boycott Arezzo (#boicotearezzo), Blogueira Sangrenta (#blogueirasangrenta) and Worldwide Fur-Free Friday (WFFF) campaigns, which occurred in Brazil in 2011 and 2012. The debate surrounding the use of fur brought from these three campaigns highlights: (i) how the individual or collective demonstrations held in virtual spaces have interfered in consumption patterns involving ethical pluralism in relation to non-human animals and contemporary lifestyles and (ii) how the episodes relate to the responses of the Brazilian State, Bill No. 684/2011 in consideration by Congress – addendum to the Environmental Crimes Act which prohibits the use of fur in fashion events and promotesawareness campaigns in Brazilian schools against the use of fur.

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