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The purpose of this research is to understand what role surrogate boycotts can play on companies targeted by a surrogate boycott and how companies can work with their marketing strategies to reduce the effects of a surrogate boycotts. We have used a qualitative approach in this thesis, with multiple cases studies as a method. Our empirical data was collected through personal interviews with people from the Danish companies: Mette Munk A/S, Nordex Foods, Quantum and Arla Foods. We conclude that the role that surrogate boycotts play on companies involved is that it effect the company’s financial situation and gives the problems with the image. We also conclude that companies can work with promotion, altering their products and choosing other ways to distribute their products in order to reduce the effects of a surrogate boycott. Also different marketing tools and strategies can be used during different stages of the boycott in order to be most effective.

Nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, as campanhas antipele atingiram seu auge e conquistaram notoriedade por meio das mídias tradicionais com a participação de inúmeras celebridades ligadas às indústrias do entretenimento e da moda, especialmente de um tipo particular (mulher e jovem) (EMBERLEY, 1997; NADEAU, 2011). Nos anos 2000, as Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs) ampliaram as possibilidades de arranjos e de manifestações sociais como instrumentos de pressão, tanto nas esferas pública e privada, entre os mais diversos grupos e causas, incluindo a dos direitos dos animais. Desde então, iniciativas de boicote às marcas e às empresas envolvidas na produção e no comércio global das roupas de peles de animais tornaram-se o principal foco das campanhas antipele no Brasil e no exterior. Essas, empreendidas nos ambientes virtuais na Internet e para além desses, estão orientadas, sobretudo, pelas noções de sofrimento e de crueldade animal e, nos últimos anos, de consumo sustentável ou ético. Assim, esta dissertação analisa, por meio de uma etnografia em escala awkward (COMAROFF; COMAROFF, 2003), o jogo de forças constituído na tensão entre as diferentes noções de pele e couro, sofrimento e crueldade animal e consumo sustentável nos fluxos comunicacionais surgidos com as campanhas Boicote Arezzo (#boicotearezzo), Blogueira Sangrenta (#blogueirasangrenta) e Sexta Feira Mundial Sem Pele (Worldwide Fur-Free Friday – WFFF), ocorridas no Brasil em 2011 e 2012. O debate em torno do uso de peles instaurado a partir das controvérsias envolvendo essas três campanhas evidencia: (i) como as manifestações individuais ou coletivas realizadas em ambientes virtuais têm interferido nas pautas de consumo envolvendo a pluralidade ética em relação aos animais não humanos e aos estilos de vida contemporâneos e (ii) de que maneira os episódios se relacionam frente às respostas do Estado Brasileiro, como o Projeto de Lei nº 684/2011 em tramitação no Congresso Nacional – adendo à Lei de Crimes Ambientais – que proíbe o uso de peles em eventos de moda e promove campanhas de conscientização nas escolas brasileiras contra o uso de peles. / In the 1980s and 1990s antifur campaigns reached their peak and gained notoriety in traditional media with the participation of numerous celebrities associated to the entertainment and fashion industries, especially of one particular type of celebrity (female and young) (EMBERLEY, 1997; NADEAU, 2011). In the 2000s, the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) expanded the possibilities of social arrangements and manifestations as instruments of pressure in the public and private spheres amongst various groups and causes, including those for animal rights. Since then, initiatives to boycott the brands and companies involved in the production and global trade of fur clothing became the main focus of antifur campaigns in Brazil and abroad. These, taken in virtual spaces on the Internet and beyond, are oriented primarily by the notions of animal suffering and animal cruelty, and, in recent years, sustainable or ethical consumption. Thus, this dissertation examines, through an ethnography on an awkward scale (COMAROFF; COMAROFF, 2003), the interplay of forces constituted in the tension between the different notions of fur and leather, animal suffering and cruelty and sustainable consumption in the communication flows emerged in the Boycott Arezzo (#boicotearezzo), Blogueira Sangrenta (#blogueirasangrenta) and Worldwide Fur-Free Friday (WFFF) campaigns, which occurred in Brazil in 2011 and 2012. The debate surrounding the use of fur brought from these three campaigns highlights: (i) how the individual or collective demonstrations held in virtual spaces have interfered in consumption patterns involving ethical pluralism in relation to non-human animals and contemporary lifestyles and (ii) how the episodes relate to the responses of the Brazilian State, Bill No. 684/2011 in consideration by Congress – addendum to the Environmental Crimes Act which prohibits the use of fur in fashion events and promotesawareness campaigns in Brazilian schools against the use of fur.

Nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, as campanhas antipele atingiram seu auge e conquistaram notoriedade por meio das mídias tradicionais com a participação de inúmeras celebridades ligadas às indústrias do entretenimento e da moda, especialmente de um tipo particular (mulher e jovem) (EMBERLEY, 1997; NADEAU, 2011). Nos anos 2000, as Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TICs) ampliaram as possibilidades de arranjos e de manifestações sociais como instrumentos de pressão, tanto nas esferas pública e privada, entre os mais diversos grupos e causas, incluindo a dos direitos dos animais. Desde então, iniciativas de boicote às marcas e às empresas envolvidas na produção e no comércio global das roupas de peles de animais tornaram-se o principal foco das campanhas antipele no Brasil e no exterior. Essas, empreendidas nos ambientes virtuais na Internet e para além desses, estão orientadas, sobretudo, pelas noções de sofrimento e de crueldade animal e, nos últimos anos, de consumo sustentável ou ético. Assim, esta dissertação analisa, por meio de uma etnografia em escala awkward (COMAROFF; COMAROFF, 2003), o jogo de forças constituído na tensão entre as diferentes noções de pele e couro, sofrimento e crueldade animal e consumo sustentável nos fluxos comunicacionais surgidos com as campanhas Boicote Arezzo (#boicotearezzo), Blogueira Sangrenta (#blogueirasangrenta) e Sexta Feira Mundial Sem Pele (Worldwide Fur-Free Friday – WFFF), ocorridas no Brasil em 2011 e 2012. O debate em torno do uso de peles instaurado a partir das controvérsias envolvendo essas três campanhas evidencia: (i) como as manifestações individuais ou coletivas realizadas em ambientes virtuais têm interferido nas pautas de consumo envolvendo a pluralidade ética em relação aos animais não humanos e aos estilos de vida contemporâneos e (ii) de que maneira os episódios se relacionam frente às respostas do Estado Brasileiro, como o Projeto de Lei nº 684/2011 em tramitação no Congresso Nacional – adendo à Lei de Crimes Ambientais – que proíbe o uso de peles em eventos de moda e promove campanhas de conscientização nas escolas brasileiras contra o uso de peles. / In the 1980s and 1990s antifur campaigns reached their peak and gained notoriety in traditional media with the participation of numerous celebrities associated to the entertainment and fashion industries, especially of one particular type of celebrity (female and young) (EMBERLEY, 1997; NADEAU, 2011). In the 2000s, the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) expanded the possibilities of social arrangements and manifestations as instruments of pressure in the public and private spheres amongst various groups and causes, including those for animal rights. Since then, initiatives to boycott the brands and companies involved in the production and global trade of fur clothing became the main focus of antifur campaigns in Brazil and abroad. These, taken in virtual spaces on the Internet and beyond, are oriented primarily by the notions of animal suffering and animal cruelty, and, in recent years, sustainable or ethical consumption. Thus, this dissertation examines, through an ethnography on an awkward scale (COMAROFF; COMAROFF, 2003), the interplay of forces constituted in the tension between the different notions of fur and leather, animal suffering and cruelty and sustainable consumption in the communication flows emerged in the Boycott Arezzo (#boicotearezzo), Blogueira Sangrenta (#blogueirasangrenta) and Worldwide Fur-Free Friday (WFFF) campaigns, which occurred in Brazil in 2011 and 2012. The debate surrounding the use of fur brought from these three campaigns highlights: (i) how the individual or collective demonstrations held in virtual spaces have interfered in consumption patterns involving ethical pluralism in relation to non-human animals and contemporary lifestyles and (ii) how the episodes relate to the responses of the Brazilian State, Bill No. 684/2011 in consideration by Congress – addendum to the Environmental Crimes Act which prohibits the use of fur in fashion events and promotesawareness campaigns in Brazilian schools against the use of fur.

Essa dissertação discute a X Bienal de São Paulo, de 1969, buscando investigá-la dentro de uma conjuntura sociopolítica e cultural marcada pelas arbitrariedades de um regime ditatorial, pelas manifestações coletivas contrárias às injustiças, e pela tomada de uma consciência social por artistas e críticos de arte. O estudo procura, dessa forma, ampliar a discussão para além do boicote que atingiu a organização e realização da mostra. Por meio de uma extensa pesquisa dos documentos relativos ao assunto acumulados no Arquivo Histórico Wanda Svevo Fundação Bienal de São Paulo, foi possível juntar um material informativo que auxiliou na reconstrução dos fatos. Ao lado disso, para estabelecer uma análise crítica dos dados encontrados, recorreu-se aos relatos dos acontecimentos publicados na imprensa escrita da época e a uma bibliografia atualizada do campo da política, da sociologia, da história e da arte. A pesquisa apresenta os diversos ângulos de visão e atitude que permearam o boicote e a X Bienal inseridos no contexto efervescente do final da década de 1960. A mostra se concretizou marcada por contestações políticas e culturais e reverberou internamente os mesmo conflitos e contradições ideológicas do cenário macropolítico. Essa agitação teve como origem o impulso utópico por transformações radicais das estruturas conservadoras. / This essay examine the 10th São Paulo Biennial, from 1969, investigating it within a cultural and socio-political situation marked by arbitrariness of a dictatorship, the collective manifestations against injustices, and the social consciousness taking by artists and art critics. The study aims, therefore, broaden the discussion beyond the boycott that has reached the arrangements and the materialization of the show. By an extensive research of documents related to the subject accumulated at the Wanda Svevo Historical Archive - São Paulo Biennial Foundation, it was possible to collect a number of information that helped reconstructing the facts. Besides, to establish a critical analysis of the informational findings, it was restored the published press reports from that time and an updated bibliography of politics, sociology, history and art field. The research presents the different angles of vision and attitude that permeated the boycott and the 10th Biennial seething within the context of the late 1960s. The show was achieved marked by political and cultural challenges and reverberated inside the same conflicts and ideological contradictions of the macro-political scenario. This agitation had its origins in the utopian impulse looking for transformations of the conservative structures.

This dissertation puts into historical context allegations of farm labour abuse during the period 1948 to 1960 on the eastern Transvaal Highveld. It not only gives an exposition of these events, but importantly analyses these allegations of abuse in the context of the South African government’s intervention into farm labour for this period. The dissertation, however, first gives an overview of the government’s policies of regulating and providing farmers with black labour in the period 1910 to 1948. It deals specifically with the dubious measures introduced and coercive actions taken by the National Party government after 1948 to provide farmers with “cheap and plentiful labour”. The reactions to the accusations of abuse by the South African government, the farmers, the conservative, liberal and leftist press, and other independent bodies, such as the churches, Black Sash and the South African Institute of Race Relations, are also explored. The reaction of the African National Congress and the Potato Boycott launched in 1959 by this organisation in response to the mistreatment of farm labourers, also receives specific attention. It concludes with a discussion of how the farm labour scandals and the reaction during the 1950s and more specifically the Potato Boycott of 1959 are still relevant today by considering the contested nature of the commemoration of this event in 2009 AFRIKAANS : Hierdie verhandeling plaas bewerings van die misbruik van plaasarbeid gedurende die periode 1948 tot 1960 op die oostelike Transvaalse Hoëveld in historiese konteks. Dit bied nie net ‘n uiteensetting van hierdie gebeure nie, maar ontleed dié bewerings van mishandeling teen die agtergrond van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se ingryping ten opsigte van plaasarbeid vir dié tydperk. Die verhandeling bied ten eerste ‘n oorsig van die regering se beleid van die regulering en voorsiening van swart arbeid aan boere gedurende die periode 1910 tot 1948. Dit handel spesifiek oor die twyfelagtige dwangmaatreëls wat deur die Nasionale Partyregering na 1948 geïmplementeer is om boere van “goedkoop en voldoende arbeid” te voorsien. Die reaksies op die bewerings van mishandeling deur die Suid-Afrikaanse regering, die boere, die konserwatiewe, liberale en linkse pers, as ook ander selfstandige instansies, soos die kerke, Black Sash en die Suid-Afrikaanse Instituut van Rasseverhoudinge word ook ondersoek. Die reaksie van die African National Congress en die aartappelboikot wat deur die organisasie in 1959 van stapel gestuur is in reaksie op die mishandeling van plaaswerkers, work ook ontleed. Die studie sluit af met ‘n bespreking van hoe die plaasarbeidskandale, die reaksie in die 1950s en meer spesifiek die aartappelboikot van 1959, steeds vandag relevant is teen die agtergrond van die omstrede herdenking van die gebeurtenis in 2009. / Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

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The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The diploma thesis focuses on ethical consumerism and its impact on the civic engagement of young women. Ethical consumerism, which includes, for example, boycott and buycott of products and services, is gaining momentum in the downfall of formal civic engagement. Citizens move to the market where they apply their ethical principles of noneconomic character. Their consumer choices are motivated by publicly beneficial motives. The theoretical part of the diploma thesis defines both civic society and its civic participation, and ethical consumerism. The theory of ethical consumerism addresses the definitions of basic concepts, the change in the political climate, which has allowed the expansion of ethical consumerism and the gender aspect of this phenomenon. The research focuses specifically on young women who live in Prague and regularly shop ethically, and their participation in civic engagement before and after becoming ethical consumers. From the data gathered, it was found out upon which products the informants exercised their ethical consumption, the representation of socio-economical, environmental and political motives and how they formally and informally engage in civil society. Choosing products is just like casting a vote. The consumer choice gives citizens a sense of who they are, it is...

Tématem této práce je kampaň za záchranu lázní Kyselka, kterou vedla "Asociace sdružení pro ochranu a rozvoj kulturního dědictví" a studentská iniciativa "Opravte Kyselku!". Hlavním cílem této práce je prozkoumat tuto kampaň a zjistit, jak se aktivisté občansky angažovali, že se jim podařilo přimět vlastníky k rekonstrukci zchátralých lázní. Práce popisuje a vysvětluje průběh kampaně, ukazuje na jednotlivé strategie aktivistů, snaží se najít nejúspěšnější události a důvody, které stály za úspěchem těchto událostí. Práce je koncipována jako případová studie a k nalezení odpovědí byly použity různé metody: studium různých dokumentů, rozhovory s jednotlivými aktivisty, analýza diskuzí v médiích aj. V závěrečné části jsou zodpovězeny výzkumné otázky a navrženy další možnosti výzkumu.