La relación entre Perú y Reino Unido ha sido objeto de cambio a partir del inicio de la salida de la Unión Europea por parte del país británico. Este cambio es importante porque ha significado un acercamiento entre ambos países que ha tenido en su última expresión el proyecto de la reconstrucción del norte del país. De esa manera, para la presente investigación, se plantea que el acercamiento se debe a dos variables que generan una política exterior hacia el Perú por parte del Reino Unido más asertiva. Primero, la distribución de capacidades materiales e inmateriales en el sistema internacional y, segundo, el Brexit como un factor doméstico. Ambas variables han generado la creación del Global Britain que termina orientando la Agenda Canning, la política exterior hacia América Latina. La estructuración de la hipótesis en variables es permitido al enfoque teórico del trabajo, el realismo neoclásico. Este enfoque, como todo enfoque realista, considera que la política exterior de un país es determinado por sus capacidades materiales. Sin embargo, suma los factores domésticos para poder tener un análisis más profundo. Asimismo, en el trabajo se consideran las capacidades inmateriales, soft power, para analizar la política exterior puesto que es un componente importante de la Agenda Canning. Por último, con respecto a las conclusiones es importante destacar que existe un vacío de información sobre la política exterior del Reino Unido al Perú y que estudiarla permitiría comprender el actuar de una potencia que es relevante –todavía– en el sistema internacional y comprender su interés en la región latinoamericana.

Yes / After Brexit, EU national leaders can no longer escape the need to implement structural reforms and improve Eurozone governance. Since the start of the crisis, considerable progress has been made to stabilise EMU, but the current status quo is not an adequate answer to the challenges ahead. As in other domains of European interest, lack of initiative and reform is only fuelling populism. The ECB has contributed greatly to making up for the lack of policy coordination, insufficient structural reforms, and lack of progress in Eurozone economic governance. But its policy impact has been limited by these shortcomings and it has frequently been under fire for having had to take extraordinary measures. This paper, first, considers the initial flaws of the monetary project and the progress made since an EMU a minima was launched in 1999. Second, it examines the measures needed to make the long-term functioning of the euro area sustainable, and analyses the range of issues and choices that policymakers and political leaders need to face to stabilize EMU whilst addressing the often structural lack of competitiveness encountered among Eurozone members. Finally, it formulates recommendations on how to improve the workings of EMU without further postponing action.

We have in our thesis focused on the bilateral defence and security cooperation between Sweden and Great Britain and investigated if Brexit have led to any consequenses on the cooperation between the two countries. We have also investigated possible consequenses on the bilateral cooperation in regards to Great Britain’s global ambitions. The defence cooperation is viewed from a Swedish perspective. Great Britain is a major security actor with global ambitions. Although, the EU has been a platform for cooperation in different political fields, including defence and security. With Great Britain leaving the EU, Sweden and Great Britain will lose this common platform. This change needs to be considered, especially due to the fact that Sweden has declared the ambition to deepen the defence and security cooperation with Great Britain. In this qualitative study we have turned to experts within the defence and security field with knowledge on the bilateral cooperation between Sweden and Great Britain. We have concluded that the bilateral defence and security cooperation have not been negatively influenced due to the British decision to leave the EU, nor it’s global ambition Global Britain. Although, Great Britain have announced it’s global ambitions after Brexit, we have concluded both that they have an interest in Sweden's vicinity and also that the cooperation have instead deepened during the last couple of years. We can also conclude that there are conditions in favour of a continued and deepened defence cooperation between Sweden and Great Britain. This thesis is written from a Swedish perspective. One of our recommendations for future research is recommending to explore the bilateral Swedish British defence cooperation from a British perspective. Finally, we have concluded that Brexit and Global Britain are not the ”Game Changer” as the title of the thesis imply. This was an assumption we made in the beginning of the work. But as the empirical studies have shown, this is not the case. / Vi har i denna uppsats fokuserat på det bilaterala försvarssamarbetet mellan Sverige och Storbritannien och hur Brexit eventuellt påverkar samarbetet. Vidare har vi undersökt om Storbritanniens globala ambitioner påverkar det bilaterala försvarssamarbetet. Vi har belyst försvarssamarbetet ur ett svenskt perspektiv. Storbritannien är en stor säkerhetspolitisk aktör med globala ambitioner och där EU har varit en naturlig plattform för samarbete inom flertalet olika politiska områden inklusive försvars- och säkerhetspolitik. Med Storbritanniens utträde ur EU så mister Sverige och Storbritannien denna gemensamma plattform för samarbete och denna förändring måste hanteras, speciellt då Sverige deklarerar att man vill fördjupa samarbetet med Storbritannien inom försvars-området. I denna kvalitativa intervjustudie har vi vänt oss till sakkunniga inom det försvars- och säkerhetspolitiska området vilka har god kunskap om det bilaterala samarbetet mellan Sverige och Storbritannien. Vi kan konstatera att det bilaterala försvars- och säkerhetssamarbetet inte har fått några negativa konsekvenser kopplat till Storbritanniens utträde ur EU eller dess globala ambition Global Britain. Trots att Storbritannien har aviserat globala ambitioner efter Brexit kan vi dels konstatera dess intresse att verka i Sveriges närområde samt också att vårt bilaterala samarbete snarare har fördjupats de senaste åren. Vi har även kunnat konstatera att det finns goda förutsättningar för ett fortsatt och fördjupat försvarssamarbete mellan Sverige och Storbritannien. Denna uppsats är skriven ur ett svenskt perspektiv. En av våra rekommendationer för framtida forskning föreslår att även utreda försvarssamarbetet ur ett brittiskt perspektiv. Avslutningsvis har vi konstaterat att Brexit och Global Britain inte är någon större ”Game changer” för det bilaterala försvarssamarbetet mellan Sverige och Storbritannien som uppsatsens titel implicerar. Detta var ett antagande vi gjorde när arbetet inleddes, men som utifrån vår empiri inte visat sig stämma.

The main goal of this diploma thesis is to analyse the impacts of Brexit on British constitution. Brexit represents the process of The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland exiting the European Union. This very complex process has and will have significant impacts on the British constitutional system. Great Britain is very unique, because it does not dispose of codified constitution, therefore the examination of the impacts of Brexit on British constitution is a very interesting subject. The main objective of this diploma thesis is to bring an analysis of evident impacts of Brexit on the British constitution and to present the readers possible impacts, that might occur in the future.

Brexit is the source of changes in the business environment in Europe. The situation generates uncertainty in which direction the United Kingdom wants to take on the decision of leaving the European Union. The situation is unique, the outcome and impact are unknown. The aim of the thesis is to gain profound knowledge and analyze how Swedish forestry industry firms perceive and respond to the uncertainty of Brexit. The reviewed literature present how uncertain business environments affect firms, the perception of uncertainty and strategy that generates a response to uncertainty. The conceptual framework illustrates the process and the connection between the elements. In order to gain profound knowledge on the subject, a qualitative study with an abductive approach was conducted. The applied research design was a multiple-case study that consisted of six cases. The analysis discusses the empirical data with a cross-case examination and pattern matching to the literature in order to identify similarities and differences between the cases. The perceived uncertainty is dependent on several elements and the findings display how changes in the business environment impact firms differently depending on the risk management of the firm, market commitment, information, experience and how the market is valued. These factors influence the process behind the response and the resources that are allocated to the process. The thesis contributes both to the theoretical and practical understanding of uncertainty and how to respond to uncertainty.

The transitioning of armed actors into political parties following a peace accord is not a new phenomenon and the debate for how we can facilitate such a transition is well explored. A grey area of the debate, however, concerns transitioned actors’ long-term commitment to peace, as relapses are known to have occurred on many occasions. How are successful transitions sustained and what are the facilitating mechanisms? Through a case study of Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland, this thesis aims to contribute to the very limited debate on the facilitation of peace continuity of transitioned actors. Interviews were conducted in Belfast during the fall of 2018. The present-time contextual changes posed by the United Kingdom exiting the European union, which endangers the 1998 peace agreement that helped facilitate Sinn Féin’s transition, provides a good case for studying the institutional resilience to violent relapse of a transitioned actor. The findings show that Sinn Féin display strong levels of institutional resilience, which can help the institution to abstain from relapses into violence caused by contextual changes such as Brexit.

This thesis is a comprehensive interpretation of European political history in the periodization from 2008 to 2016. The history begins with an exploration of the intellectual and political origins of the post-World War II project of European integration and the development of, and opposition to, the early institutions that eventually formed the contemporary assemblage of the European Union. Following a traditionally structured history, this work is styled as a ‘history of the present’ that specifies the role of the European Union in precipitating and attempting to overcome the financial and monetary crises, foreign policy quandaries on its Eastern periphery, an unmanageable escalation in migration rates, and the materialization of Eurosceptic, populist, and anti-establishment political actors at European and national levels. The specific arrangement of this thesis intends to fulfill its ultimate purpose of identifying the dynamic circumstances that aided the outcome of the United Kingdom referendum to leave the European Union.

English today has reached global dimensions no other language has reached before. While there are other lingua francas in certain geographical regions in the world, English is the most dominant lingua franca in many important international domains, including international affairs and its use as the lingua franca of official organisations, such as the European Union (EU).   In the wake of the result of the British referendum, voices were raised for the discontinuation of the use of the English language within the EU after Brexit. While this topic has received attention from journalists throughout Europe, to date there are very few studies on attitudes towards English in a post-Brexit referendum Europe. The present study aims to contribute to the filling of this gap by investigating attitudes towards English experienced by British expats living in Germany, employing semi-structured interviews with six British expats. Also included in the study is information about the expats’ use of different languages for different purposes. The findings indicate that i) they do not see the emergence of a Euro-English likely; ii) that their language choices are determined by inclusiveness; iii) that there may be different attitudes towards English in different parts of Germany; iv) that English is experienced as a door opener; and finally, v) multilingualism is a desired notion for them all. Combined, they suggest there is a discrepancy between the EU political line and the grass root reality.

英國於1973年正式加入歐洲統合而成爲歐體會員國，至2016年6月23日公投決定脫歐，身為歐盟第二大經濟國，43年的關係已確定要分手。 歐盟經濟和社會政策的核心總結起來為四大自由-包括商品、資金、人員及服務，因此歐元及申根條約為其支柱，可是自歐債危機、敘利亞難民以及恐怖攻擊後，頓時令這兩大支柱受到挑戰，多種因素讓英國認為與歐盟的統合已經走到「弊大於利」，因此選擇說再見的時候。 本研究循歷史發展探討英國與歐盟間之競合，並以互賴理論，自英國加入歐盟之利益考量，脫歐公投之背景及分析脫歐派與留歐派雙方之立場，就經貿、就業機會、會費預算、歐債危機、移民、邊境管控等面向分析，以及脫歐後對於英國及歐盟之影響。也因歐盟「中央集權化」的趨勢下，英國認為對於法規、財政治理、移民管控自主權的喪失，而以拿回主權為訴求。 自英國決定脫歐後，英國首相梅伊(Theresa Mary May)於今(2017)年也已提出了脫歐計畫白皮書，闡明將完全的脫離歐盟，日後雙方的談判仍是漫長艱難。 從英國脫歐到川普當選都顯示出反全球化思潮、種族民族主義、反對向歐盟等超國家組織讓渡主權，此股風潮正在改變歐美政治，因此期藉由本研究，能初探其原因。 / In 1973, the United Kingdom officially joined European integration and became a member of the European Community. In June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom held a public vote for Brexit and decided to leave the European Union (EU). As the second largest economy in the EU, the United Kingdom is determined to terminate the 43-year relationship with the EU. The EU economic and social policy core contents comprise four basic freedoms, namely, goods, capital, people, and services. Euro and the Schengen Agreement are the two pillars supporting the EU. However, the European debt crisis, Syrian refugees, and terrorist attacks have affected the stability of the two pillars. Various factors cause British people to believe that it is unworthy of continuing European integration because the United Kingdom benefits from the EU at a cost of losing more. This study investigates the history of coopetition between the United Kingdom and the EU and uses interdependence theory to analyse the economic consideration of the United Kingdom to join the EU, the context of the Brexit vote, and the viewpoints of advocates and opposition for remaining in the EU. We also analyse different dimensions, including trade, job opportunity, the EU membership fee, European debt crisis, immigrants, and border control, as well as the effect of Breixt on both the UK itself and the EU. In addition, because of the centralization trend of the EU, the United Kingdom claims to retrieve the losing autonomy of legal regulation, fiscal governance, and immigration control. After the decision of leaving the EU was determined, the UK Prime Minister Theresa Mary May proposed a Brexit White Paper in 2017, declaring that the United Kingdom will leave the EU completely. Long and complicated negotiations between the United Kingdom and the EU are expected. From the Brexit issue to Trump elected as the US president, these events reveal a trend of antiglobalisation, ethnic nationalism, and refusal to yield sovereignty to supranational organisations such as the EU. This trend is changing the politics in the Europe and the United States; thus, the present study is conducted to preliminarily identify the rationale behind this trend.

in English The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) epitomizes the EU's aspirations to be a key actor in global security. With the Brexit the CSDP looses its biggest military power and one of its major payers. This thesis assesses how the EU dealed with the Brexit referendum and how the CSDP developed. It provides evaluation of the CSDP- related policies and asses the degree to which new developments can be traced back to the Brexit referendum and how they are infected by domestic constituencies in the EU Member States. The thesis shows that the exit of the UK gave the CSDP new possibilities to develop, that were not fully used due to domestic constraints of EU Member States.