Three major external events (Brexit, Covid-19 and the present war in Ukraine) have in the last two years shaken the global market which has resulted in disturbances within the production- and transport chains, raised prices and bottleneck effects in the supply chain. The businesses and organizations have since before these crises had a raised interest for scenario planning in order to control future chaos and uncertainties. To beable to control both certainties and uncertainties, has shown to result in business becoming market leaders when crisis hits. Based on these principles the study intends to explain, through three semi structured interviews, how three Swedish exporting businesses and importers (Astrazeneca, SCA and Billerud Korsnäs) manage external events. Based on empirical data the study intends to answer its issue: How are major changesin the business environment handled by import- and export companiesoperating in the transport of forest goods and chemical goods? Subsequently, the empirical data collected from the respondents has been analyzed and set against existing, relevant theoretical points of the study. One conclusion the thesis states from the study is that proactive scenario planning based on external signals creates conditions for organizations' strategic renewal in the import and export market. The thesis also states that experience from previous external events contribute knowledge to organizations' scenario planning and management of future external events. The ability to handle external signals in order to control operations moreproactively can vary between companies, which this study does not handle. However, the study states that it would have been of interest for future research. / Inom de senaste två åren har tre större omvärldshändelser (Brexit, Covid-19 och nutida kriget i Ukraina) skakat om den globala marknaden, vilket har resulterat i störningar i produktions- och transportkedjorna, förhöjda priser och trång sektioner. Scenarioplanering har sedan innan dessa kriser fått ett ökat intresse hos företagen i förebyggande syfte att hantera kaos och osäkerheter. Konsten att hantera osäkerheter i både det förutsedda och oförutsedda, samt vara mottaglig för förändringar, kan resultera i att företagligger i framkant på marknaden när kriser uppstår. Utifrån dessa utgångspunkter ämnar denna studie förklara hur tre svenska export- och importföretag (AstraZeneca, SCA och Billerud Korsnäs) hanterar omvärldshändelser. Genom totalt tre semistrukturerade intervjuer av de tre respondenterna ämnar studien besvara frågeställningen: Hur hanterasstörre omvärldsförändringar av tre svenska import- och exportföretag inomtransport av skogsvaror och kemivaror? Sedermera har den insamlade empirin från respondenterna analyserat och ställts mot befintliga, relevanta teoretiska utgångspunkter. En slutsatsuppsatsen tar från studien är att en proaktiv scenarioplanering baserad på omvärldssignaler skapar förutsättningar för organisationers strategiska förnyelse inom import- och exportmarknaden. Men även att erfarenheter från tidigare omvärldshändelser bidrar med kunskap till organisationers scenarioplanering och hantering av framtida omvärldshändelser. Företagens förmåga att hantera omvärldssignaler i syfte att styra verksamheten mer proaktivt kan variera mellan företag, vilket denna studie inte hanterar. Däremot framför studien att det hade varit ett intressant utgångsläge inför framtida forskning.

This master's thesis deals with the British political Conservative discourse on Global Britain in the years 2016-2020 and the United Kingdom's place in the post-Brexit world. After the unexpected results of the EU referendum, the British government introduced the concept of Global Britain as their new foreign policy orientation. This paper assumes that the idea of the UK opened to the whole world and embracing old friends and new allies alike is built upon the imperial nostalgia and the idealisation of their past. It focuses on the various ways in which nostalgia manifests itself in the Conservative discourse of 2016-2020, specifically in the public speeches of its key representatives and election programs. In the theoretical part, this paper explores the academic debate on Global Britain and the role of history in the post-Brexit world. It uses the memory studies and operationalisation of the concept of nostalgia as a framework for the source analysis. The empirical chapter presents the research results in two ways - based on the thematic categories and individual speakers. The former follows the various ways in which the nostalgic manifestations are used to create a vision of a post-Brexit global Britain, while the latter focuses on the individual approaches in the efforts to communicate that image.

[pt] Este estudo investiga as relações, as disputas e os debates no Reino Unido entre partidos de esquerda (Labour), direita (Tories) e extrema-direita (UKIP) durante o referendo do Brexit, entre dezembro de 2015 e julho de 2016. Com base na leitura de jornais, artigos na internet, discursos, programas partidários e leis britânicas, o trabalho destacou a centralidade dos temas da imigração e da construção das identidades nacionais no referendo. O estudo desenvolve dois argumentos principais. O primeiro argumento afirma que os partidos britânicos não atuaram de modo isolado ou autônomo, mas constituíram e responderam a um sistema geral da ação política. Isso implica ver a atuação da extrema-direita como parte dos atores políticos partidários que se influenciaram de forma mútua e permanente. O segundo argumento defende que a votação marcou a estruturação dos espaços políticos no Reino Unido por meio de duas lógicas contraditórias: complexificação e simplificação. Por um lado, o Brexit representou um excedente de significação, levando as disputas a lugares cada vez mais improváveis. Por outro lado, o boletim de votação do dia 23 de junho de 2016 comportava somente duas opções: Leave ou Remain, isto é, deixar a União Europeia ou permanecer na mesma instituição. Nesse sentido, o referendo anunciou uma promessa difícil, de modo que as discussões transbordaram a própria moldura da votação. Por meio de um jogo entre excesso e falta, completude e incompletude, significação e contradição, o evento funcionou como um espaço privilegiado para as disputas políticas por hegemonia na construção da coletividade nacional britânica. / [en] This study investigates the relations, disputes and debates in the United Kingdom between left-wing (Labour), right-wing (Tories) and radical right (UKIP) parties during the Brexit referendum, between December 2015 and July 2016. Based on the reading of newspapers, articles on the internet, speeches, party manifestos and British laws, the work highlighted the centrality of the themes of immigration and the construction of national identities in the referendum. The study builds two main arguments. The first argument states that British parties did not act in isolation or autonomously, but constituted and responded to a general system of political action. This implies seeing the performance of the radical right as part of the party political actors who influenced each other mutually and permanently. The second argument argues that the voting marked the structuring of political spaces in the United Kingdom through two contradictory logics: complexification and simplification. On one hand, Brexit represented an excess of meaning, leading disputes to increasingly unlikely places. On the other hand, the ballot paper on June 23rd 2016 carried only two options: Leave or Remain, that is, leave or stay in the European Union. In this sense, the referendum announced a difficult promise, so that the discussions overflowed the very frame of the vote. Through a game between excess and lack, completeness and incompleteness, meaning and contradiction, the event functioned as a privileged space for political disputes for hegemony in building British national collectivity.

[pt] O presente trabalho busca analisar a saída do Reino Unido da União Europeia e seu impacto na fronteira entre a Irlanda do Norte e a República do Norte, ponto de tensão que a cada dia toma um papel mais central para a política britânica. O objetivo é entender como as duas perspectivas divergentes — da União Europeia e do Reino Unido — se inserem no Acordo de Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, e como essa divergência pode influenciar o resultado final do Brexit. O estudo conclui que as prioridades de negociação do Reino Unido, tiradas do referendo de 2016, são incompatíveis com uma fronteira aberta na Irlanda, parte integral do processo de paz e prioridade de negociação da União Europeia. Sem alteração nessas prioridades e sem a resolução do dilema político atual — causado pela falta de direção comum no Parlamento —, o Reino Unido pode sair sem um acordo, o que seria catastrófico para o processo de paz. / [en] The current dissertation aims to analyse Britain s exit from the European Union and its impact in the Irish border, an issue that becomes more vital by the day. The aim is to understand how two divergent perspectives — the EU s and the UK s — are inserted into the framework created by the peace process, and how the aforementioned divergence can influence Brexit s end result. We conclude that UK s red lines, drawn from the 2016 referendum, are incompatible with an open border in Ireland, an integral part of the peace process and one of EU s red lines. Without a change in negotiation priorities and the resolution of the current political dilemma, caused by the lack of a common focus in Westminster, the UK can crash out of the EU without a deal, which would be catastrophic for the peace process.

Syftet med denna studie är att urskilja likheter och skillnader mellan de verklighetsbilder som de brittiska tidningarna The Sun och The Daily Telegraph skapade åt sina läsare veckan innan Storbritanniens folkomröstning om medlemskapet i EU. Uppsatsen har sin utgångspunkt i teorierna om gestaltning, medielogik och kunskapsklyftan. Genom en kvalitativ textanalys grundad i massmedieretoriken undersöks om tidningarna uppfyllde det demokratiska uppdraget att informera medborgarna inför valet och i vilken grad de drogs mot populistiska tendenser i sin rapportering.   Resultatet av analysen visar att det finns markanta skillnader mellan de typer av information som de olika tidningarna erbjuder sina läsare. The Sun gav en förenklad och polariserad världsbild som närmast bidrog till att befästa fördomar. The Daily Telegraphs världsbild var mer komplex, men också mer högtravande och därmed exkluderande. Detta är knappast förvånande och stämmer väl överens med den bild som tidigare forskning ger av den nyhetsvärdering som styr kvalitetstidningar respektive tabloider världen över. Genom en jämförelse mellan de två tidningarna görs de skilda verklighetsbilder läsarna tar till sig tydliga, vilket kan öppna upp för en diskussion om tidningarnas demokratiska roll i samhället.

The United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union and the possibility of it, has been discussed in the news with reference to the term ‘Brexit’ extensively for at least the last two years. The role of the media has been an important issue around the Brexit decision, which had its peak in June 2016 with the EU-referendum, where the population of the United Kingdom voted in favour of leaving the EU. The given master thesis builds up on these preconditions and aims for a better understanding of the media representation of Brexit on transnational news platforms from Europe and beyond. More precisely, the media output on Deutsche Welle, France 24 and Al Jazeera English after the EU-referendum until the end of the year 2016 is examined and compared to each other. The given form of the study has emerged out of the lack of previous research, where only the role of the media before the EU-referendum and the media output within the United Kingdom have been under investigation. First, a Framing Analysis on a big sample is conducted, where the main frames and the scope of the articles are examined to get a broad picture of the way transnational media reports about the issue. Second, a Critical Discourse Analysis is carried out on a small part of the big sample. In this way, the media output can be investigated more in-depth and the results of both methods complement each other. The results show that even though differences occur, the media representation of Brexit on DW, F24 and AJE are remarkably similar. More similar even than it was expected beforehand. It occurs that the topic ‘Brexit’ is particularly presented with emphasis on the conflictual potential of it, although differences can be found in the application of a national (rather UK) or international context. Furthermore, an uncertainty is present in various elements of the articles on DW, F24 and AJE. The significance of this study is empirically, since knowledge can be generated of Brexit in transnational news. However, also methodological indications are included that can be significant for future research.

In June 2016, the United Kingdom held its EU referendum, colloquially known as Brexit, in which the people of the island nation voted on whether their country should remain a member of or leave the European Union. This thesis investigates what economic variables may have lain behind the majority outcome of a given voting area (or district) and to what degree they may have impacted it. A logistic regression is conducted primarily on referendum and election data from the Electoral Commission, census data from the Office for National Statistics, and political leaning scores as quantified by the Manifesto Project. The resulting model, which exhibits a hit ratio of 92 percent correct predictions, shows that age, education, national identity, political leaning, irreligion, and unemployment have significant correlations with the majority Brexit outcome of a district. On the other hand, population, health, and income variables do not have statistically significant effects; however, poor health, on average, does seem to have a large positive effect on the odds when taking relative sample size into account.

in English language: The thesis deals with the Institute of Citizenship of the European Union. It follows the first of its origins, the institutional framework and the definition of its content to then focus on the contemporary problems faced by this institution in its application and the use of this specific type of citizenship as one of the possible solutions to the problematic legal status of EU citizens and citizens of the United Kingdom after Brexit. The author puts forward suggestions for addressing the different groups of people whose position changes significantly after Brexit, especially with regard to their place of residence, nationality and whether or not they will still be citizens of a Member State of the European Union after Brexit or not. The author presents possible solutions to the problems that such a state of uncertainty brings with references to case law, current professional literature, and also takes into account the course of Brexit bargaining. He also submits proposals for a new definition of EU citizenship and its possible use to protect the rights of British citizens on the territory of EU Member States after Brexit, but also for Union citizens who are in the same time living, working or studying in Great Britain. Attention is also paid to the specific area of Northern...

The focus of this study was to examine what euroskepticism stands for and what it is. Euroskepticism has been a marginal phenomenon under some long time but in the later years the definition of euroskepticism has become a mainstream definition. This definition has become in a longer extent a way to describe the dissatisfaction of the EU´s problems and crisis by the citizens of the European nation’s states. The studies approach point was to understand how Brexit went down, and what were the consequences that made this referendum a vote for the discontent of the elites in Brussels by the common man in United Kingdom. And if so, were the consequences something that could apply to euroskepticism, were the incitements of eurosceptic origin. When the study cleared this chapter about the timeline of Brexit then the study aimed for the consequences Brexit could have on euroscepticism and if euroscepticism would grow because of Brexit. This could only be explained by which deal UK would get from the European union. The results of the study demonstrate that in the end Brexit and the referendum was infused by the discontent of the lower classes in the community and by a notion that expressed itself in a way that was eurosceptic. The results demonstrated moreover that the eurosceptic as a definition has been a way to show the establishment that the losers of globalisations are there and their voices are going to get heard, and the voices are getting heard now through eurosceptic incitements and euroscepticism has become a banner of the common people.

This study examines the potential effects of Brexit on the wind power industry within the UK. It became apparent that in order to reach the objective that the approach of the research needed to be broadened as it was found that Brexit has potential effects in many areas of the UK's electricity industry, including the import and export of electricity and the associated fuels used in the generation of electricity. It was found that in the event of a hard Brexit, one with no deal, that the UK's physical connections by undersea cables with the EU may be disrupted. There is a raft of legislation within the Internal Energy Market (IEM) governing this issue that will need a complete rewrite should the UK be forced to leave the IEM. Consideration was given to the effect of Brexit on the three main traditional methods used to generate electricity in the UK, coal, gas and nuclear power and how wind powered energy could be used to fill any shortfall directly or indirectly caused by Brexit. The UK Government has pledged to eradicate the use of coal in generating electricity by 2025 so the study considered only the short term effect of this. For gas, the UK is a net importer, albeit mainly from outside the EU, so the implications of Brexit on gas fired generation of electricity were discussed and found to be negligible. For nuclear powered electricity generation the implications were found to be more serious. The UK would have to resign its membership of Euratom, the European Atomic Agency Community. The potential implications of this include, limited access to nuclear fuel, and reduced participation into nuclear research carried out by the EU. The scope of Euratom also includes a large variety of areas including the safeguarding of nuclear materials in storage and in transit along with radiation protection. Plans by two Japanese companies to build new nuclear power stations in the UK have been shelved with Brexit adding to the uncertainty of their viability. It was found that the combined implications of the above could result in a shortfall in the medium term provision of electricity within the UK. Finally it was discussed whether or not wind powered energy could fill this void and it was found that the UK Government could overcome the deficiency by encouraging investment in wind power by increasing the value of their Contract for Difference, CfD,  auctions.