The 18th century witnessed a significant evolution of national identities across the European continent. In Great Britain, this process encountered challenges in reconciling three distinct regional identities: Scotland, Ireland, and England retained separate identities characterized by distinct customs, histories, and traditions. Consequently, efforts to cultivate a shared sense of Britishness turned to the English periodical press. The increasing readership of newspapers played a pivotal role in defining a cohesive British national identity. This thesis examines the emergence of Britishness within a specific monthly periodical, the Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure (1747-1814). As implied by its title, the Universal Magazine sought to cover a diverse array of topics in its articles, making its contribution to fostering a sense of national unity indispensable. In line with the notion of a gradual emergence of national identity in Great Britain, this thesis investigates the role of print culture in shaping Britishness. Emphasizing themes concerning the relationship between Great Britain and other national identities, including internal divisions within the British Isles, the study explores how cultural and political developments influenced conceptions of British identity and national and international politics. Thus, the thesis aligns with the concept of a national identity forged in response to 18th-century events in Europe and North America. Using the Universal Magazine as a primary source, this study analyzes a selection of articles relevant to the aforementioned themes. This selection was curated following a preliminary process of cataloguing and indexing all articles published in the magazine during its existence (1747-1814), given the absence of prior studies on this specific periodical. Ultimately, the thesis aims to provide insights into the themes and political inclinations of the Universal Magazine. In line with the perspectives of scholars such as L. Colley and B. Anderson, who advocate for the national press as a unifying force, this thesis offers a conceptual framework for understanding the connections between Great Britain and continental Enlightenment culture. It demonstrates how this intersection influenced the formation of Britishness. / Il XVIII secolo vide una significativa evoluzione delle identità nazionali in tutto il continente europeo. In ambito britannico, questo processo ha dovuto scontrarsi con l’esistenza tre distinte identità regionali: Scozia, Irlanda e Inghilterra hanno mantenuto una propria unicità culturale, caratterizzata da miti storici, credenze e percorsi religioso-culturali distinti. Di conseguenza, gli sforzi per coltivare un senso condiviso di britannicità si sono rivolti alla stampa periodica inglese, in accordo con la crescente importanza che tale mezzo aveva guadagnato tra la fine del XVII secolo e l’inizio del XVIII. Il crescente numero di lettori dei periodici londinesi ha svolto un ruolo fondamentale nella definizione di un’identità nazionale britannica coesa. Questa tesi esamina l'emergere della Britishness all'interno di uno specifico periodico mensile, lo Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure (1747-1814). Come suggerisce il titolo, lo Universal Magazine ha cercato di trattare nei suoi articoli una vasta gamma di argomenti, rendendo indispensabile il suo contributo alla promozione di un senso di unità nazionale. In linea con l’idea dell’emergere graduale di un’identità nazionale in Gran Bretagna, questa tesi vuole indagare il ruolo della cultura della stampa nel plasmare la Britishness. Esaminando gli articoli riguardanti il rapporto tra la Gran Bretagna e altre identità nazionali, comprese le identità regionali di Scozia, Irlanda e Inghilterra, lo studio esplora come gli sviluppi culturali e politici del lungo Settecento abbiano influenzato le concezioni dell'identità britannica e della politica nazionale e internazionale. Pertanto, la tesi ricerca il concetto di identità nazionale come forgiata in risposta agli eventi del XVIII secolo in Europa e Nord America. Utilizzando lo Universal Magazine come fonte primaria, questo studio analizza una selezione di articoli pertinenti ai temi sopra menzionati. Questa selezione è stata curata a seguito di un processo di catalogazione e indicizzazione di tutti gli articoli pubblicati sulla rivista nel corso della sua esistenza (1747-1814), data l'assenza di studi su questo specifico periodico. Di conseguenza, la tesi si propone di fornire approfondimenti sui temi e sulle inclinazioni politiche dello Universal Magazine. In linea con le prospettive di studiosi come L. Colley e B. Anderson, che sostengono la stampa nazionale come fattore culturalmente unificante, questa tesi offre un quadro concettuale per comprendere le connessioni tra la Gran Bretagna e la cultura illuminista continentale, dimostrando come questa intersezione abbia influenzato la formazione della britannicità. / Im 18. Jahrhundert kam es auf dem gesamten europäischen Kontinent zu einer bedeutenden Entwicklung nationaler Identitäten. In Großbritannien stieß dieser Prozess auf die Herausforderung, drei unterschiedliche regionale Identitäten in Einklang zu bringen: Schottland, Irland und England behielten getrennte Identitäten bei, die durch unterschiedliche Bräuche, Geschichten und Traditionen gekennzeichnet waren. Folglich wandten sich die Bemühungen, ein gemeinsames Gefühl der britischen Identität zu kultivieren, der englischen Zeitschriftenpresse zu. Die zunehmende Leserschaft von Zeitungen spielte eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Definition einer kohärenten britischen Nationalidentität. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Entstehung des Britentums innerhalb einer bestimmten Monatszeitschrift, dem Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure (1747-1814). Wie der Titel schon andeutet, wollte das Universal Magazine in seinen Artikeln ein vielfältiges Themenspektrum abdecken und leistete damit einen unverzichtbaren Beitrag zur Förderung des Gefühls der nationalen Einheit. Im Einklang mit der Vorstellung einer allmählichen Entstehung nationaler Identität in Großbritannien untersucht diese Arbeit die Rolle der Druckkultur bei der Gestaltung des Britentums. Die Studie konzentriert sich auf Themen im Zusammenhang mit der Beziehung zwischen Großbritannien und anderen nationalen Identitäten, einschließlich interner Spaltungen innerhalb der britischen Inseln, und untersucht, wie kulturelle und politische Entwicklungen die Vorstellungen von britischer Identität sowie nationaler und internationaler Politik beeinflussten. Somit steht die These im Einklang mit dem Konzept einer nationalen Identität, die als Reaktion auf die Ereignisse des 18. Jahrhunderts in Europa und Nordamerika geschaffen wurde. Unter Verwendung des Universal Magazine als Primärquelle analysiert diese Studie eine Auswahl von Artikeln, die für die oben genannten Themen relevant sind. Diese Auswahl wurde nach einem vorläufigen Prozess der Katalogisierung und Indexierung aller in der Zeitschrift während ihres Bestehens (1747-1814) veröffentlichten Artikel zusammengestellt, da keine früheren Studien zu dieser speziellen Zeitschrift vorliegen. Letztlich soll die Arbeit Einblicke in die Themen und politischen Ausrichtungen des Universal Magazine geben. Im Einklang mit den Perspektiven von Wissenschaftlern wie L. Colley und B. Anderson, die sich für die nationale Presse als vereinende Kraft einsetzen, bietet diese Arbeit einen konzeptionellen Rahmen für das Verständnis der Verbindungen zwischen Großbritannien und der kontinentalen Aufklärungskultur. Es zeigt, wie diese Schnittstelle die Entstehung des Britischen Wesens beeinflusste.

Dans les années 1990, le rock britannique revient sur le devant de la scène, porté par des groupes tels Blur, Oasis, Pulp et Suede, que la presse rassemble sous l'étiquette Britpop. Non contents de s'inspirer des grands groupes locaux des années 1960, comme les Beatles, ces musiciens se distinguent par une écriture et une image profondément ancrées dans leur propre identité britannique, et évoquent volontiers dans leurs chansons le mode de vie de la jeunesse comme la culture de la classe ouvrière. Cette renaissance sur les plans musical et culturel (participant au phénomène Cool Britannia) est contemporaine de la rénovation de l'idéologie et de l'image du Parti travailliste, qui devient New Labour sous la férule de Tony Blair, intéressé par la vision positive de la britannicité dépeinte par la Britpop. Dans la course aux élections législatives de 1997, le chef de l'opposition cherche à présenter son parti comme jeune et moderne, et se rapproche des acteurs de la scène rock de l'époque dans le but de courtiser l'électorat jeune qui fait défaut à la gauche depuis les années 1980. L'utilisation du rock en tant qu'outil de soutien politique pourrait néanmoins paraître contre-Nature à cause du rôle traditionnel de ce genre musical, lié aux sous-Cultures et mouvements contestataires. L'étude des excroissances du mouvement Britpop, visibles jusqu'à l'accession de Gordon Brown au poste de Premier ministre en 2007, permettra de dégager l'existence d'une veine critique et contestataire au sein de cette même scène rock, proposant une vision plus réaliste de la société, rappelant l'idée de Broken Britain mise en avant par les Conservateurs à cette époque. / In the 1990s, a string of successful bands such as Blur, Oasis, Pulp and Suede, inspired by glorious forefathers like the Beatles, revived the British rock genre. The press was quick to dub this new scene "Britpop", to describe the way these bands drew their inspiration from their own sense of Britishness, both in their appearance and in their lyrics, which documented several aspects of youth and working-Class cultures in Britain. Meanwhile, the Labour Party was undergoing a similar kind of rebirth under the influence of Tony Blair, who rebranded his party as New Labour. Since Britpop offered a positive, near-Patriotic vision of Britishness in line with the spirit of "Cool Britannia", Blair sought to obtain a very visible support from the Britpop scene in the run-Up to the 1997 general election. This was conceived as a way to help rejuvenate the Labour Party's image and to secure the youth vote which had eluded the left since the 1980s. However, the traditional view of rock music (as a type of protest music, prone to generating subcultures) hardly seems compatible with the idea that it could be used to support a mainstream political party. As the Britpop format went on to influence homegrown rock music into the next decade, with Gordon Brown succeeding Blair as Prime Minister in 2007, it seems several bands took British rock back to its primary, subversive function by painting a realistic picture of British society, closer to the concept of "Broken Britain" than to that of "Cool Britannia".

Au Royaume-Uni, les politiques d’intégration ont fait l’objet de redéfinitions successives depuis les émeutes urbaines de 2001 en Angleterre. Ces événements et les attaques terroristes de Londres de 2005, qui ont largement été décrits comme les résultats de la ségrégation ethnique de la société britannique, ont conduit à une remise en question des politiques multiculturalistes mises en œuvre depuis les années 1980, et à un réexamen des politiques d’intégration. L’objet de cette recherche est de déterminer les ruptures et les continuités dans les nouvelles définitions des politiques d’intégration, tant au niveau du discours politique que dans les modalités de mise en œuvre des politiques publiques, et de déterminer dans quelle mesure une véritable rupture avec le multiculturalisme s’est opérée entre 2001 et 2014. L’analyse des discours, des rapports officiels ainsi que notre enquête de terrain sur les réformes et les nouvelles modalités de la procédure de naturalisation ont abouti à plusieurs conclusions : d’un côté, on observe la cristallisation progressive d’une approche assimilationniste de l’intégration, particulièrement visible avec l’arrivée des conservateurs au pouvoir depuis 2010 ; de l’autre, on s’aperçoit que le discours et les politiques multiculturalistes persistent sous diverses formes. Ainsi, une vision nouvelle de l’intégration comme la « community cohesion » peut être interprétée comme ayant reconduit ce paradigme sous diverses formes. Quant à la reconnaissance continue du pluralisme religieux dans l’action publique, elle procède de ce que nous pouvons appeler une « confessionnalisation » du multiculturalisme britannique. / In the United Kingdom, integration policies have undergone a constant process of redefinition since the urban riots in northern England in 2001. These events, and the London bombings of 2005, which were widely described as resulting from the ethnic segregation of British society, have led to a questioning of the multiculturalist policies implemented since the 1980s and to a review of integration policies. The objective of this research is to determine the ruptures and the continuities in the new political definitions of integration, both at the level of political discourse and of the actual implementation of policy guidelines, and to determine whether there has been indeed a break with multiculturalism between 2001 and 2014. Analysis of speeches and official reports, as well as a field survey on the reforms and on the new arrangements for naturalization lead to several conclusions: On the one hand, it is possible to observe the gradual crystallization of an assimilationist approach to integration that has become more visible since the Conservatives came to power in 2010. On the other hand, however, multiculturalist discourses and policies subsist in various guises; in fact, innovative visions of integration such as ‘community cohesion’ can be understood to have renewed this paradigm in new ways. Likewise, the increasing recognition of religious pluralism in public action suggests what we call a ‘confessionalisation’ of British multiculturalism.

Cette thèse étudie un corpus de livres et d’expositions de photographies qui abordent les questions d’identité sociale, ethnique et nationale [en Grande-Bretagne]. Elle procède à une historicisation du champ photographique en s’intéressant au contexte social et politique de production et de diffusion des images, et en particulier aux politiques culturelles. Elle considère photographies et expositions comme des discours et pratiques qui contribuent à la formation des identités collectives. Le genre des photographies, et notamment le documentaire, est discuté au fil de l’étude, en lien avec la problématique de l’identification. En s’attachant aux rapports entre représentations, identités collectives, culture et pouvoir, l’analyse s’inscrit dans la lignée des cultural studies, dont quelques auteurs, comme Stuart Hall ou Paul Gilroy sont régulièrement évoqués. Il ressort que la photographie se fait le témoin et l’agent d’une dissolution des identités collectives dans les années 1990, en interrogeant l’identité nationale et ses vecteurs et en revendiquant un plus grand pluralisme culturel. Pour aborder la question sociale, devenue moins centrale, elle rompt avec le documentaire classique et la figure du photographe engagé. Par ailleurs, une photographie noire se structure autour d’Autograph-ABP. Lorsqu’une New Britain (jeune, créative et multiethnique) est promue par les travaillistes, la photographie en révèle les dissonances. Néanmoins, en entrant dans le domaine de l’art contemporain, le médium devient aussi l’objet des politiques culturelles multiculturalistes et se fait parfois source d’ethnicisation et d’essentialisation des identités. Après 2001, lorsque le multiculturalisme est critiqué, la photographie enregistre la diversité de la société britannique et démonte les stéréotypes qui visent particulièrement musulmans et réfugiés. Elle est aussi force de proposition dans la recherche de nouvelles formes de cohésion. Des pratiques documentaires collaboratives sont expérimentées pour un renouveau de la citoyenneté. La capacité de la photographie à explorer le rapport entre territoire et citoyens lui permet aussi d’inventer d’autres modes d’identification collective ancrés dans l’expérience quotidienne. / This thesis is based on a corpus of photography books and exhibitions dealing with social, ethnic, and national identities in Britain. It adopts a historicizing perspective by analysing the political and social contexts for the production and circulation of photographs, with special attention to cultural policies. Photographs and exhibitions are studied as narratives and practices that contribute to the formation of collective identities. The genre of photographs, and especially the notion of documentary, is discussed throughout the work, as a corollary to the question of identification. With a focus on representations, collective identities, culture and politics, this study lies in the field of cultural studies and regularly summons some of its prominent figures like Stuart Hall or Paul Gilroy. It shows that photography both documented and helped the dissolution of collective identities at the end of the 1990s, by questioning national identity and its representations, and by advocating greater cultural pluralism. As the social question became less prominent, photography departed from traditional social documentary forms and from the figure of the committed photographer. Parallel to this, in the wake of Black Arts, Black Photography was institutionalized with the creation of Autograph-ABP. It is also argued that when the New Labour party promoted a New Britain, some photographs acted as a magic mirror, revealing dissonances in the brand new narrative of a young, creative, multi-ethnic Britain. However, as photography entered the realm of contemporary art, it also became subject to the multiculturalist policies of the period and sometimes turned into a source of ethnicisation and essentialization. After 2001, as multiculturalism was questioned, photography kept documenting the diversity of British society and helped debunk stereotypes, especially those associated with Muslims and refugees in Britain. Finally, the late 2000s are analysed as a period when new modes of social cohesion are explored through photographic practices. Collaborative documentary projects are experimented to re-engage citizens. New photographs documenting the relation between people and territory in Britain seem to suggest that collective identification may rather be found in shared everyday experience.

<p>I examine the central influence of anti-Catholicism upon the construction of English Canadian nationalism during the first half of the twentieth century. Anti-Catholicism provided an existing rhetorical and ideological tradition and framework within which public figures and other Canadians communicated their diverse visions of an ideal Canada. The study of anti-Catholicism problematizes the rigid separation that many scholars have posited between a conservative ethnic nationalism and a progressive civic nationalism. Often times these very civic values were inextricable from a context of Britishness. Hostility to Catholicism was not limited only to the staunchly Anglophile Conservative party; indeed the importance of anti-Catholicism as a component of Canadian nationalism lies in its presence across the political and intellectual spectrum. Catholicism was perceived to inculcate values antithetical to British traditions. It was a medieval faith that stunted the “natural” development of its adherents, preventing them from becoming responsible citizens in a modern democracy. The concentration of Catholicism in Quebec further inflamed many in Canada who saw French Canadian Catholics as anachronistic barriers to a united, democratic and modern Canada.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This thesis is centred on exploring the identity options and orientations of young British Indians, from Sikh and Hindu backgrounds, who are British born and living in the London area. Recent socio-political debates have assumed a lack of Britishness amongst these young people, an assumption that is rooted in the belief that high bonding capital within ethnic minorities has led to a lack of bridging capital. This thesis argues that such statements are an essentialisation of the reality of these young people. In fact, their sources of belonging are far more complex, and far less threatening than we may be led to believe. Through the utilisation of eighty in-depth interviews, this thesis presents the intricate social worlds of these young people and the range of orientations (positive and negative) they feel towards component parts of their social worlds, as well as examining the strength and permeability of boundaries that demarcate these social worlds. The final substantive chapter deals with Britishness, and uncovers and presents the different perceptions and understandings that these young people have about British national identity and the ways in which it is accommodated (or not) alongside other important sources of belonging. It is found that a multi-dimensional approach to identity and belonging is best suited to understand the diverse and highly individualistic trajectories of these young people and that 'diverse-dual identities' are the most common pattern of belonging in this particular empirical case. This thesis make a significant contribution to the existing theoretical frameworks on identity and assimilation as well as the current socio-political debates on Britishness and the cultural integration of ethnic minorities in Britain, by presenting data on an under-researched group, British Indians, and highlighting the range of experiences within this group and the sources of this diversity.

This thesis presents an analysis of the English-language work of three Welsh writers during the eighteenth century, spanning the period of the 1750s to 1794. During this period, the British state consolidated its power following the last of the significant internal uprisings in 1745, and attempted to create a British nation with internal unity. Such a unity entailed a renegotiation of older national identities as subjects attempted to partake of multiple identities simultaneously. In Wales, the manifestation of multiple identities was especially clear, as the language of the state did not accord with the mother tongue of the majority of Welshmen. Though Welsh literati had written in English since before the Act of Union (1536), choosing to write in English becomes more interesting for the critic during such a time of change. Previously, these works have been treated as aberrations, or literary curiosities less worthy of note than the Welsh-language productions of the same authors. This thesis argues that, instead, they should be analysed as offering an insight into these authors’ conception of Britain, and their place within the state and the new nation, both in the choice of language and the topics considered. As a theoretical basis for these analyses, I consider the concept of Prydeindod from the work of philosopher J.R. Jones, as distinct from the idea of Britishness, and as a way of complicating Anglocentric or binary discussions of Britishness. This in turn informs readings of the English-language productions of Welsh writers in the eighteenth century, and shows that their negotiations of new identities are not as forthright as has previously been assumed.

The thesis Racism and New Dimensions of Projecting the Multicultural Experience in Contemporary British Drama analyzes multiculturalism in contemporary Britain and questions its discursive boundaries through the works of some black and Asian contemporary playwrights such as Roy Williams, debbie tucker green and Tanika Gupta. The works of these playwrights articulate a set of experiences that reflects an image of the contemporary issues of bigotry and violence in Britain. Williams, Gupta and green present new approaches on the multicultural Britain concerning the issues of racism, discrimination and knife crime, shedding light on the cruelly racist world from the 'white and black' perspectives. Rethinking the questions of identity, Britishness, social agency and national affiliation from new proportions. The second chapter Roy Williams's Sing Yer Heart Out for the Lads (2002), Sucker Punch (2010) and The No Boys Cricket Club (1996). Williams stages sport in all its complexity as a rich ground for contemplating the issues of racism, belonging, nationalism and identity. He portrays an image of the conflict among the ethnic communities in a multicultural space, highlighting that conflict in its larger context. The third chapter discusses Tanika Gupta's White Boy (2008) and Sugar Mummies (2006). Both of...

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Post-war sculpture created by members of the Royal Academy of Arts was seemingly marginalised by Keynesian state patronage which privileged a new generation of avant-garde sculptors. This thesis considers whether selected Academicians (Siegfried Charoux, Frank Dobson, Maurice Lambert, Alfred Machin, John Skeaping and Charles Wheeler) variously engaged with pedagogy, community, exhibition practice and sculpture for the state, to access ascendant state patronage. Chapter One, The Post-war Expansion of State Patronage , investigates the existing and shifting parameters of patronage of the visual arts and specifically analyses how this was manifest through innovative temporary sculpture exhibitions. Chapter Two, The Royal Academy Sculpture School , examines the reasons why the Academicians maintained a conventional fine arts programme of study, in contrast to that of industrial design imposed by Government upon state art institutions for reasons of economic contribution. This chapter also analyses the role of the art-Master including the influence of émigré teachers, prospects for women sculpture students and the post-war scarcity of resources which inspired the use of new materials and techniques. Chapter Three, The Royal Academy as Community , traces the socialisation of London-based art societies whose memberships helped to identify sculptors for potential election to the Royal Academy; it then considers the gifting of elected Academicians Diploma Works. The empirical mapping of sponsorship for elected sculptors is investigated to determine how the organic profile of the Royal Academy s membership began to accommodate more modern sculptors and identifies a petition for change which may have influenced Munnings s speech (1949). Chapter Four, The Royal Academy Summer Exhibitions , explores the preparatory rituals of the Selection and Hanging Committees, processes for the selection of amateurs works, exhibit genres and critical reception. Moreover it contrasts the Summer Exhibitions with the Arts Council s Sculpture in the Home exhibition series to identify potential duplications. Chapter Five, Sculpture for the State , considers three diverse conduits facilitating the acquisition of sculpture for the state: The Chantrey Collection administered by the Royal Academy and exhibited at the Tate Gallery; the commissioning of Charles Wheeler s Earth and Water (1951 1953) for the new Ministry of Defence, London; and the selection of Siegfried Charoux s The Neighbours (1959) for London County Council s Patronage of the Arts Scheme . For these sculptures, complex expressions of Britishness are considered. In summary this thesis argues that unfettered by their allegiance to the Royal Academy of Arts its sculptors sought ways in which they might participate in the unprecedented opportunities that an expanded model of state patronage presented.