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This dissertation tries to study the reign of al-Qadir billah, the `Abbasid caliph who assumed power in 381/991. It deals with political, economic and religious aspects of his reign in an attempt to give a balanced description of his achievement. / When al-Qadir was appointed caliph the `Abbasid caliphate had already declined politically and economically. The political decline was caused mainly by the soldiers' intervention in politics since the reign of al-Mutawakkil (232/847--247/851) onwards and the take over of the state administration and military control by the amir al-umara. The economic decline resulted from two important factors: first, it was caused by a great decrease in revenues coming from the lands since they were now held by the newly emerging principalities. Second, it was due to the military iqṭas which prevailed during Buwayhid rule and damaged the lands so badly that they could no longer be cultivated. / With this political and economic decline al-Qadir was unable to face the encroachment of the Buwayhids. However, with the support of the Ghaznavids and the increasing weakness of the Buwayhids, al-Qadir tried to exert himself. In 390/1000 he sent a letter to the new qaḍi of Jilan asking him to exhort the people to be loyal to the caliph. He rejected Baha' al-Dawla's appointment of the Sharif al-Musawi to the post of the qaḍi al-quḍat in 394/1003. In 401/1010 he ordered Baha' al-Dawla to crush a deviant ally of the `Abbasids, Qirwash b. Muqallad. He criticized Musharrif al-Dawla's initiative to renew the oath of allegiance of the soldiers in 414/1023 without his permission. And during the conflicts in (419/1028) between the soldiers and the Buwayhid amirs, he succeeded in reconciling both parties and prevented them from fighting. Finally, al-Qadir was also able to appoint his successors without first consulting the Buwayhid amirs. / Realizing that his temporal power was limited, al-Qadir embarked on the Sunnite restoration and made a serious attempt for this purpose. In 408/1017 he demanded that the Ḥanafite-Mu`tazilite jurisconsults and qaḍis make public renounciation of Mu`tazilism and Rafid&dotbelow;ism and banned any Discussion and instruction of all other allegedly Deviant Doctrines. In 420/1029 he wrote three epistles in which he acknowledged the excellence of Sunnite orthodoxy, condemned Mu`tazilism and declared that those who believed in the createdness of the Qur'`ān as fasiq. All these epistles which were obviously inspired by the ideas of the Ḥanbalite Traditionalists were called al-I`tiqad al-Qadiri (the Profession or Creed of al-Qadir). / In maintaining his caliphate, al-Qadir established good relations with scholars of the four schools of law, most significantly with the Malikite al-Baqillani, the Shafi`ite al-Mawardi and the H&dotbelow;anbalite Abu Ya`la. Finally, al-Qadir contributed to the literary Development of the theory of the Sunnite imamate.

This thesis examines the religious policy of the caliph al-Mutawakkil ala Allah, the tenth Abbasid caliph, (232-247/847-861). The study focuses on the following headings: the main features of al-Mutawakkil's life and reign; his attitude towards 1) the Ahl al-Kitab, 2) the orthodox Muslims, 3) the Mu'tazila, 4) the Shi'a, and 5) the Sufis. It is suggested that although al-Mutawakkil's policy toward each of these groups was governed by his own strong orthodoxy, the policy was conditioned chiefly by political factors.

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Nous présentons une nouvelle approche entière, composée et critique de la littérature et l'historiographie sur les différentes dimensions du personnage de ʿUmar II. Entière parce qu'il s'agit de recomposer avec diverses intra- et extra-islamiques appréciations de l'homme, son entourage et ses cours/mağālis. Composée et critique également car il s’agit de mener un chantier complet sur la littérature classique et l’approche critique moderne afin de saisir la réelle contribution de ʿUmar II à la fondation de l'islam comme religion (droit, théologie, ḥadîṯ, ascétisme) et comme culture (politique, poésie et Adab), en tirant profit de chacune des lectures sur ce personnage. En effet, ʿUmar II est présenté notamment comme calife juste et homme politique modèle dans la littérature des cours et de l’Adab. Nous traitons d’autres dimensions de ce personnage de l’islam primitif, très peu étudiées ou timidement exposées, et parfois contestées ; celle du juriste-traditionniste jouit du statut honorifique de muğtahid/muğaddid, rénovateur du dīn, dont la contribution au droit islamique ancien est intensivement soulignée. Malgré une très courte carrière politique et juridique, son autorité en matière légale a été rapidement reconnue. Bien avant le milieu du second siècle son droit a été intégré dans les maḏhab-s primitifs et classiques. Son Musnad, récemment édité, est d’un apport tout particulier sur les anciennes méthodes de transmission de la tradition et sur le milieu médinois en général. Un phénomène aurait vu le jour en son temps, l’ascétisme, et la tradition présente le calife comme catalyseur de ce mouvement, son héros et l’inspirateur d’une expression poétique à travers sa conduite éthique et politique exemplaire, sans omettre les dimensions eschatologiques de ʿUmar le Mahdī, messie sauveur qui aurait fini comme martyr (šahīd), en lien avec l’esprit qui régnait depuis la fin du premier siècle et dont on trouve les traces dans plusieurs sources arabes et étrangères. / An entirely new critical and complex approach to the literature and historiography built around 'Umar II' character’s various dimensions. It is a thorough reconstruction based on various intra- and extra-Islamic assessments of the man, his surroundings and his courtyard(s)/mağālis. It is complex and critical as it opens a large undertaking on classical literature and modern critical approaches in order to capture the real contribution of ʿUmar II to the foundation of Islam as a religion (law, theology, ḥadīṯ, asceticism) and as a culture (politics, poetry and Adab) while taking advantage of various analysis of his persona. In fact, ʿUmar II is presented in particular as a fair Caliph and a role model politician in the literature of court and "Adab". We address other undiscovered or, sometimes, timidly exposed and challenged aspects of this character of primitive Islam; a jurist-traditionalist enjoying the honorary status of muğtahid/muğaddid and dīn renovator which contributed massively to the ancient Islamic legislation. Despite his short political and legislative carrier, his influence in law-making was recognised rapidly. Even earlier than mid second century, his legislation was adopted and integrated in primitive and classical maḏhab-s. His Musnad, recently edited, has particularly improved traditional methods of transmitting tradition and influenced the Medina settings in general. Asceticism, as phenomenon, has seen the light in his era first and portrayed the Caliph as the catalyst of this movement, its hero and the inspiration of a poetic expression through his ethical and political exemplary conduct, without omitting the eschatological dimensions of ʿUmar the Mahdī, the Messiah and saviour who would have ended as a martyr (šahīd), in connection with the spirit that prevailed since the end of the first century and which traces are found in several Arab sources.

This dissertation deals with al-Ḥusayn's uprising and death based on the classical Arabic sources. It is argued that al-Ḥusayn's uprising and opposition to Yazid's caliphate were directly connected to the matter of the caliphate and the caliph's qualifications. He refused to recognize Yazid's caliphate because he considered it as illegitimate due to the fact that Yazid was not qualified to assume such an important office. It is also argued that because of Mu`awiya, who attempted to secure Yazid's succession by forcing all Muslims to pay homage to him, Yazid became caliph. Wanting to remove the real meaning of the caliphate and intending to transform it to a kingship (mulk) inherited among his offspring, Mu`awiya himself rejected the principle of the early Companions of the Prophet by choosing the caliph. / Al-Ḥusayn refused to listen to those who advised him to submit to the established authority (de facto) and to enter into whatever the community had entered into and agreed upon. Yazid's caliphate, in al-Ḥusayn's eyes, was a deviation from the Sunna of the Prophet and the conduct of the Rightly Guided Caliphs, and represented corruption in the community of his grandfather. As the Prophet's grandson, he believed that he was committed to following in the footsteps of his grandfather and was more responsible than anybody else for preventing corruption. Even when he became convinced of the Kufans' failure to stand with him, al-Ḥusayn refused to give the bay`a to Yazid and also felt obliged to revolt against him. Furthermore and apart of his strategy, he did decide to take his family with him in order that they would play a significant role after his death. / Amongst the results obtained during this research were the three different patterns of writing in our sources; namely, pro-Sunni, pro-Shi`i and a moderate, who escaped being classified as pro-Sunni or pro-Shi`i.

Alors qu'elles n'intervenaient jusqu'ici que marginalement dans l'économie du pèlerinage à La Mecque (hajj), la catastrophe humanitaire constituée par l'épidémie de choléra de 1865-66 a conduit certaines puissances coloniales comme la France et la Grande-Bretagne, bientôt rejointes par l'Italie, à se saisir directement de la question de l'organisation des déplacements et du séjour de leurs sujets musulmans dans les Villes Saintes du Hedjaz. Pour la première fois dans l'histoire de l'Islam, le hajj a ainsi été supervisé par des puissances non-musulmanes. Si l'objectif affiché de l'intrusion européenne dans l'économie du hajj reste la protection sanitaire des pèlerins et partant du continent européen, il n'en cache pas moins des préoccupations plus politiques. L'enjeu est alors de rendre le hajj « gouvernable ». A cet égard, la Grande Guerre et l'annexion du Hedjaz par le gouvernement saoudien en 1925 constituent des étapes importantes en donnant aux puissances coloniales les moyens de construire de véritables « politiques du pèlerinage ». La décennie 1930 marque ainsi l'apogée de l'intrusion des puissances coloniales européennes dans l'organisation du pèlerinage à La Mecque qu'elles ont contribué à transformer en un instrument d'influence diplomatique et coloniale / While they intervened until then only marginally in the hajj affairs, the humanitarian disaster constituted by the epidemic of cholera of 1865-66 led colonial powers, such as France and Great Britain, soon joined by Italy, to deal directly with the question of the organization of the travels and the stay of their Moslem subjects in the Holy Cities of the Hijaz. For the first time in the history of Islam, the hajj was so overseen by not Moslem powers. If the official aim of european intervention remained the sanitary protection of the pilgrims - and, to a certain extent, the protection of the European continent - it hides not less more political concerns from it. Here the stake consists in making the hajj « governable ». In this respect, the Great War and the Hijjaz annexation by Saudi government in 1925 constitute important stages providing colonial powers the means to build of real « pilgrimage policies ». For the european colonial powers, the 1930's represent the peak of their intrusion in pilgrimage to Mecca organization they have contributed to turn into an instrument of diplomatic and colonial influence

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(in English): This master's thesis is based on analysis of the essential sources of the international organization Ḥizb al-taḥrīr providing focus on its concept of the caliphate which is compared to other international Islamist organizations that struggle for the restoration of the abolished caliphate.