This dissertation uses all of the available evidence provided by coins to construct a numismatic history of the early Islamic precious metal coinage of North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula. The dissertation begins with a review of the analysis undertaken by earlier scholars, followed by an explanation of the adopted methodology, including the approach to the primary and secondary sources and the description of the methods used in the metrological, metallurgical, and die estimation analyses. The balance of the dissertation is divided into three sections. The first section is the typology, which divides the coinage into four series: Series 1, the Two Imperial Bust type; Series 2, the Latin Epigraphic type; Series 3, the Bilingual type; and Series 4, the Post-Reform type. The typology analyses each series in detail. This section also discusses the iconographical elements of the coinage, with a further chapter providing an analysis of certain anomalous examples that do not readily fit into the typology. The second section encompasses the analysis of the metrological and metallurgical aspects of the coinage and the estimation of the number of dies for each series. The final section combines the numismatic evidence and the historical record provided by a variety of secondary sources into a numismatic history of the two regions. This section includes a discussion of the historical context prior to, during, and after the Muslim conquest of North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula, as well as a discussion of find spots and circulation. The dissertation concludes with a comparison of the evolution of the precious metal coinage in North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula to the evolution of Islamic coinage in other regions of the Umayyad Caliphate and an exploration of the underlying nature of the coinage (i.e. regional, Imperial, etc.).

Nous présentons une nouvelle approche entière, composée et critique de la littérature et l'historiographie sur les différentes dimensions du personnage de ʿUmar II. Entière parce qu'il s'agit de recomposer avec diverses intra- et extra-islamiques appréciations de l'homme, son entourage et ses cours/mağālis. Composée et critique également car il s’agit de mener un chantier complet sur la littérature classique et l’approche critique moderne afin de saisir la réelle contribution de ʿUmar II à la fondation de l'islam comme religion (droit, théologie, ḥadîṯ, ascétisme) et comme culture (politique, poésie et Adab), en tirant profit de chacune des lectures sur ce personnage. En effet, ʿUmar II est présenté notamment comme calife juste et homme politique modèle dans la littérature des cours et de l’Adab. Nous traitons d’autres dimensions de ce personnage de l’islam primitif, très peu étudiées ou timidement exposées, et parfois contestées ; celle du juriste-traditionniste jouit du statut honorifique de muğtahid/muğaddid, rénovateur du dīn, dont la contribution au droit islamique ancien est intensivement soulignée. Malgré une très courte carrière politique et juridique, son autorité en matière légale a été rapidement reconnue. Bien avant le milieu du second siècle son droit a été intégré dans les maḏhab-s primitifs et classiques. Son Musnad, récemment édité, est d’un apport tout particulier sur les anciennes méthodes de transmission de la tradition et sur le milieu médinois en général. Un phénomène aurait vu le jour en son temps, l’ascétisme, et la tradition présente le calife comme catalyseur de ce mouvement, son héros et l’inspirateur d’une expression poétique à travers sa conduite éthique et politique exemplaire, sans omettre les dimensions eschatologiques de ʿUmar le Mahdī, messie sauveur qui aurait fini comme martyr (šahīd), en lien avec l’esprit qui régnait depuis la fin du premier siècle et dont on trouve les traces dans plusieurs sources arabes et étrangères. / An entirely new critical and complex approach to the literature and historiography built around 'Umar II' character’s various dimensions. It is a thorough reconstruction based on various intra- and extra-Islamic assessments of the man, his surroundings and his courtyard(s)/mağālis. It is complex and critical as it opens a large undertaking on classical literature and modern critical approaches in order to capture the real contribution of ʿUmar II to the foundation of Islam as a religion (law, theology, ḥadīṯ, asceticism) and as a culture (politics, poetry and Adab) while taking advantage of various analysis of his persona. In fact, ʿUmar II is presented in particular as a fair Caliph and a role model politician in the literature of court and "Adab". We address other undiscovered or, sometimes, timidly exposed and challenged aspects of this character of primitive Islam; a jurist-traditionalist enjoying the honorary status of muğtahid/muğaddid and dīn renovator which contributed massively to the ancient Islamic legislation. Despite his short political and legislative carrier, his influence in law-making was recognised rapidly. Even earlier than mid second century, his legislation was adopted and integrated in primitive and classical maḏhab-s. His Musnad, recently edited, has particularly improved traditional methods of transmitting tradition and influenced the Medina settings in general. Asceticism, as phenomenon, has seen the light in his era first and portrayed the Caliph as the catalyst of this movement, its hero and the inspiration of a poetic expression through his ethical and political exemplary conduct, without omitting the eschatological dimensions of ʿUmar the Mahdī, the Messiah and saviour who would have ended as a martyr (šahīd), in connection with the spirit that prevailed since the end of the first century and which traces are found in several Arab sources.

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The history of Banu Umayya has since the collapse of the caliphate occupied a major part in Islamic historiography. The present thesis analyses the presentation of the Umayyads in Ibn Khaldun’s al-Muqaddima and its relation to previous historical traditions. The thesis examines the social and intellectual context in which Ibn Khaldun stood and how it is represented in his historiography, while also providing an overview of the various socio-political, intellectual and historiographical developments in Islam. The theoretical perspectives are based on the concept of agency, examining the intellectual room for manoeuvre that the historian disposed of while composing the works. The relation between the past-as-history and the historical past is emphasised and analysed by examination of narrative arrangements and content in relation to the historians’ contexts. Rather than viewing Ibn Khaldun as an exception, the study clarifies his contextual representativity by analysing his views on the Umayyads. The thesis also discusses the historiographical significance of the Umayyad history for the later development of Islam, while thereby attempting to open the field of research regarding the Umayyad history and its importance as self-definitions among later movements, historians and traditions of Islam.

Cette thèse propose une étude régionale des deux premiers siècles de l’Islam au cœur de la vallée du Nil. Elle se concentre sur la Moyenne-Égypte, plus précisément sur deux divisions administratives byzantines au moment de la conquête de l’Égypte par l’armée de ‘Amr b. al-‘Āṣ : celle de la capitale de la province de Thébaïde, Antinoé, et une de ses dépendances, la pagarchie d’Hermopolis Magna. Nous suivons dans cet espace les situations de contact entre conquérants et conquis au niveau local, entre les VIIe et IXe siècles, afin d’interroger l’évolution de ces deux catégories d’acteurs jusqu’à l’arrivée des Tulunides (868). Le corpus disponible pour cette étude est formé principalement par des papyrus arabes, grecs et coptes, alors que les sources littéraires s’intéressent très peu à la région. Ce riche ensemble documentaire permet de bien connaître la région et sa population à la fin de l’époque byzantine ainsi que de proposer un point de vue local sur l’histoire de la conquête. Un intérêt particulier est porté au développement d’une administration islamique locale née de la refonte du système régional byzantin en place au milieu du VIIe siècle. Au sein du développement de cette nouvelle structure administrative et provinciale au cours de la période umayyade, Antinoé perd tout statut administratif provincial. Elle prend le nom arabe d’Anṣinā, et Hermopolis celui d’Ašmūn(ayn). Cette dernière devient le principal échelon administratif de la Moyenne-Égypte islamique. En parallèle, nous pouvons suivre le développement d’une communauté musulmane de Moyenne-Égypte, impliquée à partir du VIIIe siècle dans l’administration et au cours de la période abbasside dans la propriété terrienne et dans la vie citadine et villageoise de la région. / This thesis offers a regional study of the two first centuries of Islam in the heart of the Egyptian Nile valley. It concentrates on Middle Egypt, precisely on the administrative divisions of the Byzantine system at the time of the conquest of Egypt by the armies of ‘Amr b. al-‘Āṣ (642) : the capital of the province of the Thebaid, Antinoe, and one of its dependencies, the pagarchy of Hermopolis Magna. Particular focus is given to the relationships between conquerors and conquered in this region between the 7th and the 9th century, the goal being to question the evolution of those two categories until the rise of the Tulunid dynasty (868). The sources available for this research are mainly non-literary papyri written in Arabic, Greek, and Coptic, as literary sources rarely express interest in this region. This rich documentary corpus allows us to examine in detail the administrative geography of the region and its population before the conquest and to offer a local point of view on the history of the conquest. Particular attention is given to the development of a new administrative and provincial structure during the Umayyad period in which the Thebaid is suppressed and Antinoe loses its place in the provincial structure of Egypt. It then appears under the Arabic name of Anṣinā and Hermopolis, as Ašmūn(ayn). The latter becomes the main administrative centre of Middle Egypt in the Islamic period and even supervises Anṣinā. In parallel, we can follow the development of the Muslim community involved in the administration of the region from the 8th century, in landholding and in city and village life in the Abbasid period.