This thesis examines the early military career and life of Lieutenant General Sir Frank Berryman from 1894 through to the end of his involvement in the Middle East campaigns. It begins with his family background and education on the outskirts of Melbourne before tracing, in detail, his personal life and military career until the end of 1941. The specific focus of this investigation is not just his military education and his role in the Cyrenaica and Syrian campaigns, but also the development of his personality and character. Personality and character provides a window of insight that not only helps to illuminate Berryman?s performance as an officer and his professional relationships but it also allows for a deeper understanding of this complex individual. This thesis argues that these, the 'lost years' and 'forgotten battles' , are integral to developing an understanding of this exceptional officer. In Berryman we see an important staff officer and commander whose place in Australia's military history has been largely overlooked. One of the central themes of this work is that Berryman has been misunderstood and misrepresented within the existing historiography. He was one of the most important figures in the Australian Army during the Second World War and it was during the period covered in this thesis that he established his reputation as a commander and staff officer. Key to this investigation, therefore, is the themes of Berryman's developing leadership and culture of command. This work seeks to reveal the nature and experience of a highly successful officer who is also, to a great extent, representative of a generation of permeant Staff Corps officers who have largely been ignored within the genre of Australian military biography. Ultimately this thesis concludes that Berryman was a central figure in the Australian Army's success in Cyrenaica and Syria. He demonstrated all of the qualities essential for a successful commander and senior officer and it was in these battles and his earlier military and life experiences that set the stage for his exceptional performance and contribution to the success of the Australian Army, not only in the Middle East but also later in the South West Pacific Campaigns.

From the deployment of Roger's Rangers in the Seven Years War to the Sunni Awakening in the Second Gulf War, indigenous force cooperation has been a hallmark of significant armed conflicts in modern history. Indigenous forces are, by definition, recruited locally and are paramilitary in nature, as, for the most part, are their activities. They are not regular police, gendarme, or military forces. Rather, they represent a subset of a broader category of force that includes paramilitaries, unconventional forces, guerrillas, some militias, and auxiliaries. The focus of this dissertation is indigenous force cooperation. Indigenous force cooperation occurs when a metropolitan power (be it imperial or expeditionary) collaborates with one or more indigenous forces. Despite recurring employment, indigenous force cooperation remains largely ignored in historical literature and there has been no comprehensive study of the nature, structure, function, or experience of these forces. Using comparative case studies of indigenous force cooperation in Palestine Mandate and Ethiopia during the Second World War, this project seeks to identify whether successful indigenous force cooperation in war exists as a unified historical phenomenon and whether it was instrumental to theatres of operation in which it took place. The research supporting this dissertation includes personally conducted interviews with veterans of the indigenous forces and examinations of recently declassified documents. The comparative framework allows the project to determine what, if any, underlying patterns connect cases of indigenous force employment and govern the success or failure of cooperation. This dissertation consists of a comparative examination of four questions: why cooperation occurred, how cooperation was structured, what happened during cooperation, and whether cooperation was effective. Each chapter of this dissertation addresses one of the questions. Answering these questions will support a number of areas of study, including imperial history and contemporary strategic studies, by providing a theoretical framework by which to understand other cases of indigenous force cooperation.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Aiane de Oliveira Vieira - 2016.pdf: 3265296 bytes, checksum: 9423b44dcdcb558afdb9d6dcaa12b1e8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation developed an analysis that aims to identify why political parties and candidates use social media websites as a campaign tool and the main persuasive strategies they use to convince the electorate. It also tried to comprehend how professionalization, medialization and personalization, contemporary campaigns main characteristics, influence political campaigns in digital environments. In this perspective, the research chose to analyze candidates’, Aécio Neves (PSDB) and Dilma Rousseff (PT), official pages on Facebook. The main goal was to understand the persuasive strategies they used throughout the presidential race. The study’s main hypotheses defends that the candidates, using advanced electoral marketing techniques, used social media websites in order to promote themselves and attack their opponents and, on the other hand, did not debate political issues. In order to reach the main goal and test the proposed hypothesis, the research developed a literature review that underwent the historical transformation that the electoral process experienced both in an international and national context. It also focused on New Information and Communication Technology rise in the political communication field as well as debated about their contributions to the quality of democracy and electoral campaigns. The research also promoted an investigation on the political scene that the 2014 presidential race took place, which discussed the polarization between PT and PSDB around the presidential election in the last two decades. The analysis focused, first, on former presidents’ Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva administrations as well as President Dilma Rousseff first term and, later, introduced the main events that happened throughout the campaign. The paper identified and debated the main communicational strategies adopted by campaign strategists, which suited as a theoretical sketch of the methodological model implemented. It was collected the content posted on the candidates’ official pages on Facebook between July 6th and October 26th , 2014 and it was developed a content analysis that classified each post in the following categories: Agenda; Support/Endorsement; Attack/Negative Campaign; Campaign/Call for votes; Defense/Counterattack; Institutional; Personal Matters/Personal promotion; and Political Proposals. Later, based on the results, it was done a comparative analysis, which tried to emphasize each variable analyzed and highlight each candidate’s strategies and goals according to the electoral context. This research concluded that institutional propaganda and personal promotion, political personalization main characteristics, in addition to negative campaign led the campaign and, on the other hand, political discussions were put aside. / Esta dissertação desenvolveu uma análise que busca identificar as finalidades para as quais partidos e candidatos usam as redes sociais como ferramenta de campanha política e quais as principais estratégias persuasivas usadas por eles para convencer o eleitor. Buscou-se também compreender como a profissionalização, a midiatização e a personalização, características das campanhas contemporâneas, influenciam as campanhas em ambientes digitais. Nesse sentido, escolheu-se como objeto de estudo as páginas oficiais dos candidatos Aécio Neves (PSDB) e Dilma Rousseff (PT) na rede social Facebook e o objetivo geral foi analisar as estratégias persuasivas usadas por eles ao longo da corrida presidencial. Partiu-se da hipótese de que os candidatos empregaram avançadas técnicas de marketing eleitoral e utilizaram as redes sociais para se autopromoverem e atacarem seus oponentes e, em contrapartida, deixaram de debater questões políticas programáticas. Para alcançar tal objetivo e testar a hipótese proposta, o trabalho fez uma revisão da literatura que perpassou as transformações históricas vividas pelas campanhas eleitorais, tanto no contexto internacional, quanto nacional; a ascensão das Novas Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação na comunicação política e o debate acerca de suas contribuições para a qualidade da democracia e dos processos eleitorais. A pesquisa desenvolveu também um balanço do cenário político em que as eleições de 2014 se desenvolveram, o qual discutiu a polarização entre PT e PSDB em torno das eleições presidenciais nas últimas duas décadas, perpassando pelos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e o primeiro mandato de Dilma Rousseff, para então introduzir os principais fatos que se desenrolaram ao longo do período eleitoral. Identificou-se e debateu-se as principais estratégias comunicacionais adotadas pelos estrategistas de campanha, análise esta que serviu como esboço teórico do modelo metodológico implementado na pesquisa, o qual, por meio de análise de conteúdo, coletou as postagens feitas nas páginas oficiais dos dois candidatos entre os dias 06 de julho e 26 de outubro de 2014 e classificou-as em: Agenda; Apoio/Endosso; Ataque/Campanha Negativa; Campanha/Apelo; Defesa/ContraAtaque; Institucional; Assuntos Pessoais/Promoção Pessoal; e Propositivo. Posteriormente, os resultados obtidos foram discutidos por meio de uma análise comparativa, que buscou evidenciar cada variável analisada e destacar as estratégias e os objetivos de cada candidato de acordo com o contexto eleitoral. Concluiu-se que a propaganda institucional juntamente com a promoção pessoal, características da personalização da política, bem como o discurso negativo tomaram conta dos discursos da campanha em detrimento da apresentação e discussão de propostas de governo.

Nathanael Greene spent the first five years of the American Revolution serving as a line and field officer in the Continental Army and developed a nuanced revolutionary strategy based on preserving the Continental Army and a belief that all forces should be long-service national troops. He carried these views with him to his command in the southern theater but developed a partisan approach due to problems he faced in the region. Greene effectively kept his army supplied to such an extent that it remained in the field to oppose the British with very little outside assistance. He reluctantly utilized a partisan strategy while simultaneously arguing for the creation of a permanent Continental force for the region.

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Unsafe driving habits increase the severity of roadway accidents. The behaviors that are generally associated with unsafe driving are influenced by drivers and their decision to engage in dangerous habits. In order to solve this problem, Departments of Transportation use roadside safety campaigns. To gain a comprehensive understanding of the effectiveness of these campaigns, this research study captured five different metrics of effectiveness to understand what messages are effective and how to target messages to different groups of people. Since reading and interpreting the messages produces cognitive activation among participants, a neuroimaging technology called functional near-infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS) was used to measure neurocognitive activation as a proxy for response. The fNIRS system captures this cognitive activation by measuring change in oxygenated blood (oxy-Hb). An increase in oxy-Hb is a proxy for increased task engagement. The first journal paper provides an understanding of what types of messages are perceived as effective, are misunderstood, are memorable, are considered inappropriate, and cause the greatest increase in cognitive engagement. Overall, drivers perceive messages to be effective at changing behavior, but particular messages are perceived as more effective than others. Messages about distracted driving and driving without a seat belt, messages that are intended to produce a negative emotional response, and messages with statistics are the behaviors, emotions, and themes that are most likely to be perceived to change driver behavior. Messages about distracted driving and messages about statistics are most likely to be remembered by drivers. In general, drivers do not find messages used in safety campaigns to be inappropriate. Drivers elicit more cognitive attention to signs about distracted driving and signs with a humorous emotion. The second journal considers the effectiveness of these messages with different target demographics by further investigating the first journal's results by different dependent variables, including age, gender, and risky driving habits of the participants. In the second study, the results from the first study are further examined to determine if some campaigns are more effective among different demographics of drivers. The behavioral results indicated that females, drivers over 65, low-risk and high-risk drivers, and urban and rural drivers perceive the safety campaigns as more effective. The neurological data revealed that younger drivers had more activation in the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex, an area known for semantics and word processing, which might indicate more cognitive attention to these types of messages. This study provides a unique application of using neuroimaging techniques to understand driver response to safety messages. The recommendations for an effective safety campaign are to use messages about distracted driving, messages with an emotional stimulus, and messages about statistics. Messages about word play and rhyme are recommended for appealing to younger demographics. / Master of Science / Messages like "New year, new you, use your blinker" and "May the 4th be with you, text I will not" are increasingly used to catch drivers' attention. The development and use of these non-traditional safety messages are distinctly different than messages previously displayed on highway signs because the intent of these messages is to modify driver behavior rather than just provide information. Unfortunately, there is little empirical evidence measuring how effective these messages are at changing driver behavior or guidance on how to target messages for specific groups of people. The goal of this study was to understand what types of non-traditional safety messages are effective and how to target these messages to different target audiences. Roadway collisions are made more severe when the cause of the incident involves dangerous driving habits, such as distracted, impaired, or aggressive driving. The problem is made even more severe by the fact that the habits that make driving dangerous are affected by the driver's decision to engage in risky driving behavior. The solution to this problem is to gain an understanding of driver preferences and response, a research effort this study will address. Reading and interpreting the messages produces cognitive activation among participants. The study uses functional near-infrared spectroscopy (fNIRS), which allows researchers to capture this cognitive activation by measuring change in oxygenated blood (oxy-Hb). This provides not only the ability to gain a more detailed understanding of driver response, but the ability to triangulate this with what drivers perceive as effective in changing driver behavior. In the first study, the participants felt that campaigns targeting distracted driving, messages with a negative emotion, and campaigns about statistics were significantly more effective at changing driver behavior compared to other behaviors, emotions, and themes. The neurological data revealed that drivers respond more to campaigns about distracted driving. However, the neurological data indicates that humorous messages and messages that fit under the theme word play and rhyme elicit a greater cognitive response. The second study furthers the first study and revealed that females, drivers over 65, low-risk and high-risk drivers, and urban and rural drivers perceive the safety campaigns as more effective. The neurological data revealed that younger and older males and older high-risk drivers respond with greater peak oxy-Hb when compared to other groups of people. This study advances the applicability of fNIRS in traffic related studies.

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Call number: LD2668 .T4 1966 M236 / Master of Science

This dissertation deals with the efforts of the British forces to regain control of northern Natal from the Boers, during the second quarter of 1900. In March Boer forces had dug themselves in along the Biggarsberg. In early May a British force advanced on the Biggarsberg. Exploiting their numerical superiority and with a turning movement to their right, the British army forced the Boers to retire to the Drakensberg in the Majuba area. There followed a period of re-organisation and preparation during which General Buller attempted to persuade the Boers to lay down their arms. When this failed he launched another attack on the Boer defence line. In quick succession the British force gained success at Botha's Pass (8 June) and at Alleman's Nek (11 June). These reverses forced the Boers to retire from their Drakensberg positions and they thereby relinquished all control of Natal to the British forces / History / M.A. (History)