This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.

Cette recherche s’intéresse aux impacts sociopolitiques des gazoducs et des oléoducsmis en oeuvre depuis 1991 au Caucase du Sud. S’appuyant sur un cadre théoriquemêlant principalement sociologie de l’Acteur-Réseau, sociologie éliasienne etapproches managériales, elle postule que la construction d’un système complexe detransport de pétrole et de gaz azerbaïdjanais est révélatrice de l’évolution de laconfiguration sud-caucasienne. Cette thèse étudie tout d’abord les interactions qui senouent autour de la mise en oeuvre des voies d’exportation des hydrocarburesazerbaïdjanais. Elle met en lumière l’émergence de nouvelles formes de régulation, dontla plupart profite à la compagnie pétrolière BP. Elle démontre ensuite comment lesréseaux sociotechniques construits autour de ces nouvelles voies participent d’uneévolution de la configuration sud-caucasienne. Ces réseaux débordent du cadrepurement économique pour aboutir au développement de la régionalisation entrel’Azerbaïdjan, la Géorgie et la Turquie. Cette recherche souligne enfin les gains queretire l’Etat-entreprise azerbaïdjanais de cette régionalisation fondée sur leshydrocarbures. Bakou se sert de ces derniers pour étendre son influence économique etpolitique au sein de la configuration sud-caucasienne. La sociologie de l’Acteur-Réseaunous permet donc de souligner le rôle non seulement économique mais égalementpolitique des hydrocarbures dans la montée en puissance de l’Azerbaïdjan qui, d’Etat enfaillite, est devenu puissance régionale. / This dissertation looks at the socio-political impacts of the pipelines that have beenimplemented in the South Caucasus since 1991. It is based on a theoreticalframework mixing Actor-Network Theory, Norbert Elias’s sociology andmanagement approaches. It assumes that the construction of an Azerbaijanihydrocarbons transportation complex system sheds light into the evolution of theSouth Caucasian configuration. First, this research studies interactions that emergeLUSSAC Samuel | Science Politique | Doctorat | 201114around the implementation of export routes for Azerbaijani oil and gas resources.It highlights the development of new forms of governance, which mostly benefit tothe oil company BP. Second, this dissertation demonstrates that the sociotechnicalnetworks built around these new export routes contribute to the evolution of theSouth Caucasian configuration. These networks overflow the economic sphere tofoster regionalization between Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey. Third, thisresearch underlines the benefits the Azerbaijani ‘state-company’ retrieves fromthis hydrocarbons-based regionalization. Baku takes advantage of oil and gasresources to increase its economic and political influence within the SouthCaucasian configuration. Therefore, the Actor-Network Theory helps to shed lightinto the economic and political role of hydrocarbons in the rise of Azerbaijan.From a failed state, this country has now established itself as a regional power.

The thesis "The deportation of Chechens and Ingushes. Contribution to the history of the Caucasus in the second half of the 20th Century" focuses on forced relocation of ethnic groups in 1944 from their homeland in Central Asia. The author presents the causes of deportation, describes itself transport, living conditions in places colonization and subsequent release of the totalitarian regime to rehabilitation and return to the Caucasus. The thesis used in addition to the literature and archival materials. Important part of the thesis include testimony of witnesses (oral history) collected by the "snowball". The aim of this thesis was to assess the physical, demographic and moral damage caused by the deportations and to prove the relationship between it and the subsequent ethnic conflicts in the Caucasus, and also to determine what role they played in the implementation of the deportation policy and subsequent rehabilitation of the different representatives of the Communist Party and the Soviet state headed by Josef Stalin. Relocation left trauma in the memory of the survivors in the second and third generation, and Russian state itself caused due to significant financial losses and other problems with which compensates today.

L’écroulement de l’URSS à la fin du XX siècle a donné naissance à quinze nouveaux États indépendants sur un large territoire eurasien. Tel est le cas de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des pays du Caucase du sud, qui a regagné son indépendance après l’effondrement du système socialiste en 1991. Grâce à sa situation géographique et à ses richesses énergétiques (pétrole et gaz), l’Azerbaïdjan occupe une place stratégique et fait l’objet d’un « jeu » géopolitique, aussi bien à l’échelle régionale que mondiale entre de grandes puissances telles que les États-Unis, l’Union Européenne, la Russie, la Turquie et quelques autres. En retour, il essaie de jouer son atout, en appliquant une politique étrangère multivectorielle. Parmi eux, la Turquie occupe une place privilégiée dans la politique étrangère de l’Azerbaïdjan, grâce à son histoire, sa langue, sa religion et leurs traditions communes. Cette thèse s’est fixée pour objectif d’analyser les relations qui se sont établies entre l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie, en se basant sur trois axes qui constituent les pivots principaux des relations bilatérales entre les deux États: politique, économique (commercial) et sécuritaire (stratégique). / The collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security).

Par l’élaboration du Partenariat oriental en 2009, l’Union européenne (Union) cherche à renforcer ses relations avec les pays du Caucase du Sud. Son objectif est de créer un cadre juridique nouveau afin de susciter un saut qualitatif d’une partie de la politique européenne de voisinage (PEV), lancée en 2003 en direction des pays voisins. Il s’agit d’aboutir à un niveau de relations à mi-chemin entre l’association et l’adhésion à l’Union. Il est notamment prévu une multitude d’instruments normatifs et opérationnels, des institutions propres qui s’ajoutent à celles de l’Union et l’efficacité repose sur des principes juridiques fondamentaux que sont : la conditionnalité, la différenciation, l’appropriation commune et la responsabilité mutuelle. Cette thèse a pour finalité d’étudier de quelle manière, à travers le Partenariat oriental, l’Union améliore son influence normative auprès des pays du Caucase du Sud et de voir comment s’opère l’incorporation de l’acquis communautaire de l’Union dans le droit respectif de ces pays. / By elaborating the « Eastern Partnership » in 2009 in Prague, the European Union (EU) seeks to strengthen its relations with the countries of the South Caucasus. Its objective is to create a new legal framework to stimulate a qualitative leap of part of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), launched in 2003 to neighboring countries. This is to achieve a level halfway relations between the association and the membership of the Union. This shall include a multitude of normative and operational instruments, institutions own in addition to those of the Union and effectiveness is based on fundamental legal principles are: conditionality, differentiation and joint ownership mutual accountability. This thesis aims to explore how, through the Eastern Partnership, the EU improves its normative influence with the South Caucasus countries and see how operates the incorporation of the acquis communautaire of the Union in the respective right of these countries.

A une date mal fixée au cours des années 380, mais généralement placée en 387, l’empereur Théodose, princeps depuis 379, abandonne officiellement les quatre cinquième de l’Arménie aux Perses sassanides. C’est un acte sans précédent : depuis plus de quatre siècles, la plupart de ses prédécesseurs avaient tout mis en œuvre pour maintenir le royaume caucasien dans la sphère d’influence romaine ou, à défaut, neutre face à un Etat iranien menaçant ou jugé comme tel. Dorénavant, la présence de l’Empire y est limitée à une bande de terre étroite située le long de ses frontières orientales et qui s’étend, du nord au sud, de l’extrémité orientale du Pont (Pontus en anglais) à la pointe septentrionale de la Syrie. Le cœur du pays et ses régions les plus importantes d’un point de vue historique et stratégique sont aux mains du grand rival oriental. Comment expliquer ce quasi retrait romain qui établit une situation qui perdurera jusqu’au début du 6ème siècle, une longueur inédite pour un accord entre les deux parties ? L’objectif de notre étude est de répondre à cette interrogation, en distinguant notamment les prémices de cette politique de repli à partir de la seconde moitié du 4ème siècle. / At an uncertain date in the 380's A.D. yet generally set in 387, Emperor Theodose, princeps since 379, officially abandons four fifths of Armenia to the benefit of the Sassanide Persian people. This had never happened before since for over four centuries, most his predecessors had managed to maintain the Caucasian kingdom into the Roman sphere of influence , or even to keep it neutral to a threatening -or considered as such - Iranian state. Now the presence of the Empire is limited to a narrow strip of land located along its oriental borders that stretches over from the eastern end of the Pontus to the northern end of Syria. The heart of the land and its most important regions from a historical and strategical point of view belong to the great opponent from the east. How can we explain this Roman quasi-withdrawal which lead to a situation that will last to the beginning of the 6th century – a period of time for an agreement between the two parties that had never been seen before in history ?Our study aims at answering this question, by identifying more particularly the beginnings of such a withdrawal policy from the second half of the 4th century.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to answer the question why the crisis caused by the Chechen struggle for independence gradually escalated into war, while the rest of North Caucasus remained relatively calm, despite the predictions of many authors. Also to determine to whether extend the repetition of Chechen scenario is nowadays possible. Or in other words what are the odds that a new ethnopolitical conflict will erupt in some other Muslim autonomous republic in the North Caucasus. The answers to these questions are sought via factors causing the emergence of ethnic conflict, as were defined by Svante E. Cornell in his book Autonomy and Conflict: Ethnoterritoriality and Separatism in the South Caucasus - Cases in Georgia. These factors are continually confronted with empirical data, which are provided by the case study of Chechen conflict in the first part of the thesis. Presence or absence of those factors in other Muslim autonomous republics is examined by method of Process Tracing. The data obtained are then processed quantitatively, in the way that presence or absence of the factor in question by a certain score.

The aim of my own research is to bind together the limited research done regarding the topic,and to use the research of Russian in the Baltic post-soviet state of Lithuania as a backdrop and comparison. The analysis is postcolonial and comparative, using the concepts of linkage and leverage of Levitsky and Way. A guiding term in this work has been the concept of politicisation, which ultimately means the act of adding a political character to an otherwise unpolitical thing or issue. The time-period that is relevant for this paper is the 1950s to the 2010s. But earlier as well as later information will be included when necessary. In my research I came to find that Russian rather than disappear or entirely overtake South Caucasian society, instead devolved into a secondary language with limited importance. As ethnic and national conflicts made Russian controversial, the countries within the region would come to reimagine the importance of the language. This development would lookdifferent in the nations, entirely depending on their linkage and leverage to Russian or western society. The paper will target two major areas of society, these being the political andlegislative sphere, as well as education. In my conclusion I saw major differences between the more pro-Russian and Russian-speaking Armenia, and the more pro-Western and multilingual Georgia. Whilst Azerbaijan would represent a Russian-speaking, but rather neutral, grey area in the middle.