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Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:12:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2002-08-12T00:00:00Z / Trata de analisar o processo de criação das instituições à luz do pensamento de North (1990) e o seu efeito na trajetória de crescimento econômico das nações. Utilizando a história da Previdência Social no Brasil embasa a sua argumentação que nem todo processo de criação das instituições segue necessariamente os preceitos da lógica econômica.

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:54:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2001-12-07T00:00:00Z / This paper analyses the work and rhetoric of Douglass North. After discussing his main proposals for the economics of institutions -1973, 1981, 1990- we investigate the author's speech. It is shown that his conciliatory strategy with neoclassical economics plays a crucial role on the acceptance ofhis ideas. After a brief analysis of the origins of his proposals, we conc1ude stressing the importance of his rhetoric. / O texto faz uma análise da teoria e da retórica de Douglass North. Após discutirmos as propostas em três de seus principais livros - 1973, 1981 e 1990 - testamos a hipótese que motivou o estudo. Ao fazer uma análise retórica de North, procuramos mostrar como o autor construiu um aparato institucional deliberadamente - talvez até de forma questionável - complementar à teoria neoclássica. Após uma breve discussão acerca da originalidade do que propõe, concluímos o trabalho com um destaque para a importância retórica no sucesso de suas idéias entre os economistas.

'William Cecil and the British succession crisis of the 1560s' reconsiders the nature of the early Elizabethan polity and Cecil's place in it. Conventional historiography maintains that as principal secretary Cecil was a moderate, cautious, and religiously neutral politician, content to follow Elizabeth I's direction in policy. More recently, Professors Patrick Collinson and John Guy have challenged this interpretation of the Elizabethan polity. Based on a thorough survey of the archives, my thesis explores Cecil's political creed in the 1560s. Three years of research have helped to paint a radically different picture of Cecil to the one traditionally represented: he was a councillor prepared to redefine his relationship with a monarch who refused to abide by the rules of monarchy and select a successor. The eight chapters of the thesis blend two complementary themes. First, that Elizabethan in the 1560s experienced a British succession crisis and not, as Professor Collinson has maintained, an English domestic succession crisis. And second, that the political situation in Britain and Europe - the determination of the continental catholic powers to use Mary Stuart's claim to the English throne as a weapon against protestant England - had a profound impact on the mentality of protestant Englishmen and debate in England. It persuaded Cecil to press for a pre-emptive strike against the French in Scotland (chapter two), which he defended by appealing to the feudal-imperial power of the English monarch; he used the same argument to justify the 'first trial' of Mary Stuart in 1568 (chapter seven). In this British context, Elizabeth's refusal to secure England's future led to parliamentary action in 1563 and a Cecil plan for interregnum by privy council in the event of Elizabeth's death, twenty-two years before its re-emergence in 1585 (chapter four). The régime could not find a diplomatic solution to the marriage between Mary and Lord Darnley in 1565 (chapter five): parliament debated the succession in 1566 and Cecil disobeyed the queen by pressing for a settlement (chapter six). Cecil's approach to the crisis was innovative, and his political creed is profoundly important to any assessment of politics in Elizabeth I's reign.

This thesis examines the general economic and intellectual climate of the mid-Tudor Commonwealth as a background for a specific study of the financial reforms instituted by Edward VI's government while the Duke of Northumberland controlled the Privy Council. The philosophy behind these measures parallels the principles expressed in A Discourse of the Commonweal of this Realm of England, a treatise written in 1549 by Sir Thomas Smith, Secretary to King Edward. In 1551-1552 the implementation of financial reform fell to Sir William Cecil, also King's Secretary and Northumberland's key administrator on the Council. In establishing the link between Smith's ideas and Cecil's policy, this thesis draws upon letters, Council records and Smith's written works to reveal the process by which thoughts became deeds in the mid-Tudor Commonwealth.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Flavio Silva Andrada.pdf: 670430 bytes, checksum: d317a9a7393cab2f5438d96670a8d051 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / The present work aims to provide a critique to the Walrasian approach in Macroeconomics. The debate between Keynesians (Keynes, New Keynesians and Post-Keynesians) and Neoclassical (Monetarists and New Classical) about method, expectations, and equilibrium is presented. Trying so to refuse Lucas s critique, which says that Keynes did not respect economic analyze straightjacket , i.e., selfish agents and clear markets. About unemployment a critical revision of General Theory s second chapter is made as well the concepts of natural rate and involuntary unemployment. The conclusions are: do not seem that Friedman s instrumentalist approach is the correct referential to Macroeconomics, rational expectations hypothesis do not explain men effective behavior, continuous market clear is tautological, and involuntary unemployment referred to a foreign economic agent individual characteristics situation. It is a Macroeconomic unemployment. At last while Microeconomics can avoid historicists considerations, Macroeconomics can not. Macroeconomics issues are related to historical moment, stage of institutions development and to a more human economic agent behavior / O presente trabalho visa apresentar uma crítica à abordagem walrasiana na Macroeconomia. Apresenta-se o debate entre Keynesianos (Keynes, Novos Keynesianos e Pós Keynesianos) e Neoclássicos (Monetaristas e Novos Clássicos) sobre o método, as expectativas e o equilíbrio na análise econômica. Tenta-se, assim, refutar a crítica de Lucas segundo a qual Keynes não teria respeitado a camisa-de-força da economia, isto é, agentes egoístas e equilíbrio nos mercados. A respeito do desemprego, faz-se uma revisão crítica do segundo capítulo da Teoria Geral, bem como dos conceitos de taxa natural de desemprego e desemprego involuntário. As conclusões obtidas são as seguintes: não parece ser correta a abordagem instrumentalista de Friedman como referência para a Macroeconomia, a hipótese de expectativas racionais pouco diz sobre o comportamento real dos homens, o equilíbrio contínuo dos mercados é tautológico e o desemprego involuntário diz respeito a uma situação alheia às características individuais do agente econômico. É um desemprego macroeconômico. Por fim, enquanto a microeconomia pode abster-se de considerações historicistas, a Macroeconomia não o pode. As questões Macroeconômicas estão ligadas ao momento histórico, ao grau de desenvolvimento das instituições e ao comportamento mais humano do homem econômico

Chapter One: The provisions of the Glen Grey Act of 1894 are summarised. The memoirs of contemporaries are discussed and the historical literature on the Act from 1913 to the present is surveyed. The likelihood of the land tenure provisions of the Act forcing the people of Glen Grey (or the people of other districts that came under the operation of the Act) to seek employment is noted. It is evident that there is an increasing emphasis in the literature on labour concerns rather than on the disenfranchising effects and local government provisions of the Act. It is often assumed that the labour force generated by the Act was meant for the Transvaal gold mines. Chapter Two: The relevance of the labour needs of the Indwe collieries is investigated. These mines lay adjacent to Glen Grey and might have been expected to draw their labour thence if the Act had been effective. Rhodes, the author of the Act and prime minister of the Cape, had bought shares in the collieries for De Beers shortly before the Act was passed, which made a possible connection more intriguing. No causal link between De Beers' interests and the Act could be demonstrated; nor do the collieries seem to have employed many people from Glen Grey. Chapter Three: Examines the Cape colonists' complaints about shortage of labour from 1807 to the eve of the Glen Grey Act, and investigates various official measures to promote the labour supply. The Glen Grey Act was not the first labour measure passed at the Cape, and it seems likely, therefore, that the labour needs of the Cape, rather than the Transvaal, were uppermost in the minds of those responsible for the Act. Chapter Four examines Rhodes's political position in the 1890s and shows him to be increasingly dependent on the parliamentary support of the Afrikaner Bond to stay in office. Since the Bond was an agricultural interest group it seems likely that labour for Cape farms, rather than Transvaal gold mines, was what the Act was supposed to provide. With that Rhodes could readily agree, since he wanted to promote the agricultural development of the Cape. However, the Bond wanted to be able to buy land in Glen Grey (and other district in which the Act was proclaimed). Rhodes wanted to keep such districts as 'reservoirs of labour' so he could not give the Bond all of what they wanted, i.e. Glen Grey titles to be alienable. His manoeuvring to keep the Bond supporting the Bill while not making the land readily salable is described. (In the end the land was alienable with the consent of the government -- consent that a Rhodes ministry would not give, but that another might.) Rhodes's desire to obtain the administration of Bechuanaland for his Chartered Company, and his need therefore to reassure the Colonial Office and humanitarian opinion that he could be trusted to rule over blacks, are pointed out as other possible motivations for the Act, which Rhodes tried hard to present as an enlightened piece of legislation. The course of the Act through the Cape parliament, and the opposition of Cape liberals to the Act, is described. Chapter Five: The mentalité of the Cape colonists as regards race, liquor, land tenure and other political issues is described. Chapter Six: The reaction to the Act of Cape blacks and sympathetic whites, British humanitarians and the Colonial Office is described. The contemporary concern with reserving land for blacks is noted, as well as concern over the morality of economically coerced labour. This is in contrast to the modern concentration on labour almost to the exclusion of other issues in regard to the Glen Grey Act. The unsuccessful efforts of Cape blacks and British humanitarians to have the imperial government veto the Act are described. Rhodes's influence over the Colonial Office is described.

This dissertation is a historical biography of F.V. Engelenburg (1863-1938) and covers the period from 1889 to 1938, when Engelenburg lived and worked in South Africa. The study situates Engelenburg in the historical landscape of the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The focus is mainly on Engelenburg’s journalistic career at De Volksstem, but attention is also given to his many other interests, including the development and promotion of Afrikaans and the Afrikaans academic culture, especially in the northern parts of South Africa. His work pertaining to the development of architecture, literature, aviation, the visual and performing arts, history, libraries, museums and educational institutions comes under the spotlight. His private life is considered as well in order to portray his versatility as a person. The chapters have been subdivided to highlight the variety of matters he was involved in, and a chronological approach has been followed as is customary in a biography. The study is based on archival research. In particular, Engelenburg’s private collections were used, as well as the private collections of some of his contemporaries. Engelenburg assumes a central place in the biography, with special focus on how he perceived and experienced conditions and everyday life in South Africa from the point of view of his transnational European background. His role as influential opinion-maker and political commentator on local and international politics is highlighted. His ties with political leaders and his involvement in government affairs are emphasised. The study also refers to his continued contact with his motherland, the Netherlands, and with the Dutch language. After the Anglo- Boer War, he realised that the languages of the future in South Africa would be Afrikaans (not Dutch), alongside English. His continuing support for Afrikaans as a language of instruction in schools and universities and the development of the Afrikaans literature, as well as his support for the standardization of Afrikaans helped to establish Afrikaans as an official language alongside English and Dutch in South Africa. Engelenburg’s active contribution to the work of the Zuid-Afrikaanse Akademie voor Taal, Lettere en Kuns (now the Suid- Afrikaanse Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns), helped to put the organization on a sound footing for future development. The Akademie can be seen as a living monument to his work in South Africa. / PhD (History)--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2015.