The diploma thesis describes and defines in theoretical part the entire venture capital system, analyzes the individual elements and inner flows. The thesis contains chapters where the reader can meet the term of venture capital, its history and specifics, and various possible types of investment, subjects at venture capital maktet and the investment process. The second part of the thesis focuses on the issues of the venture capital market in Central and Eastern Europe and in detail in the Czech Republic with particular accent on the last period and the changes caused by the financial crisis and includes the limiting factors for the development of this market.

The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.

Cette thèse porte sur le déclin de la participation électorale dans les dix démocraties post­communistes qui ont intégré l’Union européenne en 2004 et 2007. Ces pays ont connu la plus forte baisse de participation électorale observée en régimes démocratiques depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Afin de comprendre ce phénomène, la thèse adopte une approche qui est à la fois systématique, théorisée, quantitative et comparative. Elle est structurée autour d’un nouveau schéma directeur conceptuel pour l’étude de la participation électorale au niveau agrégé. Ce cadre théorique distingue quatre types de facteurs qui affectent la participation en fonction de la nature et la temporalité de leurs effets. Le rôle de chaque type dans le déclin post­communiste est théorisé et considéré l’un après l’autre. Les sections empiriques emploient des méthodes quantitatives et une comparaison à l’intérieur des dix pays mais également avec d’autres démocraties établies ou nouvelles. Elles analysent plusieurs bases de données originales, dont la principale contient pratiquement toutes les élections législatives intervenues dans le monde démocratique entre 1939 et 2010. Les résultats remettent en cause l’idée selon laquelle le déclin participatif est principalement dû à un désenchantement démocratique. Ils montrent qu’au moins six autres facteurs causaux y contribuent. Ils tiennent aux contextes de démocratisation, aux changements institutionnels et aux évolutions dans la composition des électorats. La magnitude exceptionnelle du phénomène étudié est, ainsi, le produit d’une multiplicité des causes. / This dissertation studies the puzzling decline of voter turnout in ten post­communist democracies that joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007. These countries experienced the most spectacular erosion of electoral participation in democratic regimes since World War Two. To solve this puzzle, my dissertation follows a systematic, theory­based, quantitative and comparative approach. It is structured by a newly­conceived master conceptual scheme for the study of aggregated voter turnout. This theoretical framework distinguishes between four types of turnout drivers based on the nature and temporality of their effects. The role of each type in the post­communist decline is theorised and considered in turn. The empirical sections employ several types of quantitative methods and intra­ but also inter­regional comparisons with established and other new democracies. They draw on several original datasets, the most important of which comprises the quasi­totality of democratic legislative elections held around the globe between 1939 and 2010. The results question the conventional wisdom that the post­communist turnout decline is mostly due to citizens’ dissatisfaction. Instead, they show that it is driven by no less than six other causes that relate to democratisation, institutional change and shifts in the composition of the electorate. It is the multiplicity of causal factors that explains the unparalleled startling magnitude by which voting rates decreased in the ten countries at hand. Besides solving the central puzzle, this dissertation yields a number of new middle­range theories and insights that pertain to electoral participation in both new and established democracies.

Die Dissertation befasst sich mit den Reformprozessen, die sich vom Zeitpunkt des System-umbruchs 1989/90 bis zum EU-Beitritt 2004 in den Ministerialverwaltungen Estlands und Polens vollzogen haben. Die Veränderungen, die während dieser Zeit stattfanden, standen im Spannungsfeld zweier Prozesse: des von innenpolitischen Erfordernissen geprägten Transformationsprozesses und des Europäisierungsprozesses, in dem die EU als einflussreicher externer Akteur hinzutrat. Konzeptionell greift die Untersuchung auf die Diskussionen aus der institutionellen Transformationsforschung und die Debatten um die Europäisierung von Regierungs- und Verwaltungssystemen zurück. Die Arbeit konzentriert sich auf die Veränderungen auf der zentralstaatlichen Ebene und betrachtet diese Veränderungen in ihrer horizontalen und sektoralen Dimension. Die horizontale Dimension umfasst Rahmenbedingungen des Verwaltungssystems insgesamt, dies sind zentrale Strukturen des Regierungsapparates, die regierungsinternen Koordinationsmechanismen und die Etablierung des öffentlichen Dienstes. In der sektoralen Dimension wird die Verwaltung im Politikfeld Landwirtschaft betrachtet. In beiden Ländern gab es einen gemeinsamen Ausgangspunkt der Entwicklungen, das sozialistische Verwaltungssystem, und einen ähnlichen Zielpunkt der Verwaltungsreformen in den 1990er Jahren: eine wie auch immer definierte „moderne Verwaltung“. Auch die Rahmenbedingungen des EU-Integrationsprozesses in Mittelosteuropa lassen eher Konvergenzen erwarten. Doch spielen nationale politische Konstellationen eine entscheidende Rolle für die Entwicklungen, so dass man bilanzierend sagen kann: Estland und Polen haben mit Beginn der Transformation unterschiedliche nationale Entwicklungspfade eingeschlagen und ihre Verwaltungssysteme unterscheiden sich mittlerweile stärker voneinander als zur Zeit des Sozialismus. / The dissertation is concerned with transformation of ministerial administrations in Estonia and Poland between 1989/90 and EU accession in 2004. Two processes, the transformation process largely determined by domestic politics and the Europeanisation process with the EU entering the arena as a powerful external actor, influenced changes during this period. The theoretical background of the study refers to institutionalist approaches in transformation research and debates on Europeanisation of governmental and administrative systems. The study focuses on developments on central state level, which are analysed in a horizontal and a sectoral dimension. The horizontal dimension covers the framework of the administra-tive system, as there are structures of central state government, coordination mechanisms within government and the establishment of a civil service. In the sectoral dimension administrative structures in agricultural administration are examined. Both countries share a common point of origin, the socialist administrative system and a simi-lar point of arrival, a “modern” administration, however the latter may be defined. The conditions of the EU integration process also lead to the assumption of convergent developments. But in national political constellations have a decisive impact on developments. As a résumé it can be stated that Estonia and Poland entered different national paths of development from the outset of transformation and administrative systems by now differ in a larger degree than in socialist times.

1989年中東歐政局發生重大變化，波蘭、匈牙利與捷克斯洛伐克共黨在社會團體與民運人士大規模抗議下交出政權，結束此區域長久以來的共黨統治。1991年斯洛維尼亞正式脫離南斯拉夫，波海三國亦獲獨立，中東歐新興國家開始民主轉型。本文首先探討促成1989年中東歐民主革命的外部因素，如較和緩的國際情勢、蘇共自由化政策、美國及國際組織援助等，接著以捷克為個案，分析外部因素對絲絨革命及民主化之作用。 赫爾辛基最後議定書等關於民主與人權的文件，鼓舞了七七憲章之草擬；波蘭與匈牙利的政局變化，對捷克斯洛伐克產生示範作用，異議人士、環保團體或宗教力量跨國串連，輔以西方媒體作用，是絲絨革命動員的契機。與1968年受華約軍隊鎮壓的布拉格之春相比，絲絨革命得以成功，蘇共總書記Mikhail Gorbachev (Михаил Горбачёв)放棄干涉中東歐國家內政是重要關鍵，強硬的捷共政府因而失去壓制國內民主訴求的正當性。 此後捷克「回歸歐洲」外交走向，使歐安組織、歐洲理事會與美國運用民主、人權規範及各項援助，深化其轉型程度。北約和歐盟以會籍作為條件設定，直接或間接散播民主規範，並透過捷克當地政治菁英及政黨，歐盟外部治理成功使人民對歐洲化及歐盟產生認同。2003年入盟公投通過後，歐盟外部治理有了民意基礎，影響力更為強化，主導捷克民主發展。 / In 1989 the unexpected enormous democratic revolutions in Central and Eastern European countries led to the crash of the communist governments in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Two years later, officially departing from Yugoslavia, Slovenia started its own democratic transition, and the Baltic states also attained independence from the Soviet Union. First of all, we would like to discuss the external factors triggering the democratic revolutions in this area in 1989, such as the less tense international circumstances, the liberal reforms of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the assistance from the US and the relative international organizations. Then the discussion goes further to the case of the Czech Republic to make it clear how external factors affected the Velvet Revolution and how democratic values were promoted in the Czech Republic. The Helsinki Final Act, announced for democracy and the human rights in 1975, inspired the publication of Charter 77. The political change in Poland and Hungary turned into demonstration effect on Czech politics. Besides, the transnational connection of dissidents or the religion groups, and the western media both facilitated the mobilization for a democratic regime. Compared to the Prague Spring of 1968, crushed by the invading Soviet troops, the success of the Velvet Revolution was largely contributed by Mikhail Gorbachev’s decision not to interfere in the internal affairs in this area. Thus, the Czech communist government lost its legitimacy to suppress democratic campaigns. With the slogan “Return to Europe,” Czech Republic had made it possible for international activists including OSCE, COE and the US to impose their influences on Czech’s transition to democracy. In the accession process to the EU/ NATO, western activists spread democracy norms into the Czech Republic directly or indirectly by conditionality. Through local political elites and political parties, the EU successfully built Czech people’s identity toward EU by its external governance. Meanwhile, the positive result of Czech’s EU entry referendum in 2003 even strengthened EU’s influence as a leading external role in Czech’s democratization after the Velvet Revolution.

Language competence is decisively important in international business and could increase efficacy, efficiency, sales and profits. Language is an underresearched area in business studies though language constitutes management and the managers building structures, processes, cultures and personalities being the most vital working tool to get things done and make them understandable. Since 1970 Swedish companies lose market shares globally and in Europe. In an era requiring better foreign language skills there is a declining trend among young Swedish business people and students in other languages than English. The aim of this study is to investigate and analyse the role of language in intercultural business communication between Swedish expatriates and locals in Serbia, The Czech Republic, Ukraine, Romania and Bulgaria and indirectly also Russia and Poland. To understand the business culture in these countries the author has learned the local language in these seven countries taking 3687 private language lessons. This improves the researcher’s understanding of the culture and its people giving directness and depth in communication, independence and receptivity. This ethnographically inspired hermeneutic study holds semi-structured interviews with expatriates. Better language skills among expatriates – particularly in the local language - could make them more self-dependent and win contracts and it strengthens closeness to customers, relationship and trust, strategic view and ability and also operational effectiveness and efficiency enabling their companies to gain market shares. Using Weber’s ideal types the cultural significance structures emerge featuring the cultures in these countries showing that expatriates have to strengthen the ability of the locals in the areas of trust, responsibility and initiative, independent thinking, holistic view, win-win thinking and reduce fear while the expatriates’ own abilities in these areas are strengthened if they speak the local language. Language strategies permitting the expatriate to be more communicatively and linguistically self-dependent are having a common company language, using multilingualism or having the expatriate speak or learn to speak the local language where the advantages, disadvantages and characteristics of these and other aspects of the role of language are given in ideal types.

Bendroji temos charakteristika ir darbo aktualumas. Šio darbo temą padiktavo ES institucijų vis labiau pabrėžiama ir žingsnis po žingsnio įgyvendinama nuostata didinti pilietinės visuomenės vaidmenį ES valdyme ir su tuo susijęs klausimas, koks vaidmuo ES valdyme tenka VRE valstybių pilietinei visuomenei. Darbas atliktas studijuojant doktorantūroje Mykolo Romerio universitete ir dalyvaujant dviejuose tarptautiniuose doktorantų tinkluose, priklausančiuose Europos valdymo problemoms skirtai CONNEX programai (angl. The Network of Excellence CONNEX („Connecting Excellence on European Governance“)), kuri savo ruožtu priklauso ES 6-ajai Bendrajai tyrimų programai: "Pilietinės visuomenės įtraukimas į Europos valdymą" Vokietijoje, Manhaimo Europos Socialinių Tyrimų Centre (Universität Mannheim, Mannheimer Zentrum für Europäische Sozialforschung MZES), vadovė prof. Beate Kohler-Koch, ir „Viešosios politikos europeizacija Rytų Europos valstybėse“ Prancūzijoje, Paryžiaus Europos mokslo studijų centre (Centre d’études européennes de Sciences-Po), vadovas dr. François Bafoil. Darbas buvo rašomas taip pat stažuočių Lundo universitete Švedijoje ir Vroclavo universitete Lenkijoje metu. Darbo tiriamoji problema formuluojama įvertinus ES valdymo principą, pagal kurį svarbus vaidmuo ES sprendimų priėmime suteikiamas pilietinei visuomenei, ir siekiant ištirti, kiek šis principas palankus Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybėms. Darbas grindžiamas metodologine nuostata, pagal kurią šiuolaikinės... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Following the enlargement in 2004 and 2007, the European Union (EU) has been made of Western states of old democracy, as well as of post-communist countries of the Central and East Europe (CCEE), the latter counting less than two decades of democratic development. These two parts of Europe differ significantly with regard to the historical and political experience, cultural traditions, the level of economic and social development. The EU, however, functions as an integrated political and economic community. The key sign of the EU integration is the decision-making at the EU level. Decisions are taken after consultation with the member states, as well as with civil society. The topic of the research has been inspired by the EU governance reform which designates a greater role to consultations with civil society in the decision-making at the EU level. The Turin European Council in 1996 provided the Intergovernmental Conference negotiating the Treaty of Amsterdam with the mandate “to bring the EU closer to its citizens”. The guidelines of the European governance reform were presented in the European Commission’s White Paper “European Governance” in 2001 . The White Paper provided for a significant role of civil society. The research has been conducted during PhD studies at Mykolas Romeris University (Vilnius, Lithuania) and while participating in two PhD networks of the Network of Excellence CONNEX (“Connecting Excellence on European Governance”), a project funded by the EU... [to full text]

Asian efforts towards bond market development are driven by the 1997-98 financial crises; Central and Eastern European efforts by the transition towards EMU. The small size of most of the economies underlying these still "emerging" bond markets poses the question of minimum efficient scale and which options to pursue. We argue that the joint bond funds and regional bond market linkups that follow existing trade, FDI and bank ties will broaden the sources of finance, can improve market discipline, provide signals to the market, and thus increase financial stability. Based upon bond market data and analysis of regional efforts like the Asian Bond Funds, we argue that bond market development should be given more attention to foster growth and stability. (author's abstract) / Series: EI Working Papers / Europainstitut

In the 2003 Treaty of Accession, the signatories agreed that all New Member States (NMS) that joined the European Union (EU) in 2004, would adopt the euro, even if no timetable was provided. Why have some NMS not been able to join the euro area even if they made serious attempts at the outset? What are the circumstances and policies in these countries that have led them not yet to adopt the euro? Has it been lack of political will on the part of the government, a strong voice in the opposition, a euroskeptic president, insufficient administrative capacity, or lack of policy learning? Though there is no consensus among economists as to whether or not adopting the euro in the short run is a good idea, an economic cost-benefit analysis would suggest that in the long run euro adoption is positive for NMS. Yet, macroeconomic analyses cannot explain the change in government policies that may lead to euro adoption. Political scientists have typically focused on collective identity, policy learning, ideas and knowledge transfer among central bankers and other political elites, as well as adjustment to global pressures and Europeanization. This political science literature is unable to provide a satisfactory explanation as to why the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland have not adopted the euro yet. I argue that the role of domestic politics is key to explaining the process of euro adoption in Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland: government policies, elections, electoral cycles as well as constitutional rules, veto points, central banks, public opinion and the media turn out to be crucial in explaining the lagging euro adoption process in these countries. / Graduate

Presidential power and constitutional issues are at the very core of recent popular upheavals in the former Soviet republics, as demonstrated by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004, and similar protests in Georgia in 2003 and in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. After the demise of the Soviet Union, these countries opted for a particular form of semi-presidentialism, here referred to as president-parliamentary. This dissertation deals with president-parliamentary systems, as well as with the other form of semi-presidentialism, namely premier-presidentialism. The study examines a typical feature of semi-presidentialism, i.e. intra-executive conflicts between the president and the prime minister/cabinet, by analysing the pattern, institutional triggers, and implications of such conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, the choice of semi-presidentialism and differences in transitional context and constitutional building are accounted for. The following countries are specifically dealt with: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, and Romania, Russia and Ukraine. The study’s empirical base is a mixture of data derived from literature, reports, review of constitutional documents, as well as from an expert survey conducted among analysts with an expert knowledge on the countries under scrutiny. The results suggest that both actor-oriented and historical-institutional factors have to be considered in order to understand why so many post-communist countries ended up with semi-presidentialism, and why there is such a sharp divide between Central Europe and the (non-Baltic) former Soviet republics with regard to the choice of semi-presidential type. The pattern of intra-executive struggles reveals that conflicts were somewhat more recurrent in the early period following the transition, but persist as a frequently occurring phenomenon throughout the post-communist period. The most common type of conflict has revolved around division of powers within the executive branch. As for triggers of conflict, the study suggests that certain institutional factors, such as electoral concurrence and party system fragmentation, have been important. Regarding the management of conflict, and the options available to the conflicting parties, the analysis indicates that the constitutional courts have played an important role as conflict mediators, and that attempts of changing the constitution, and using public addresses are options preferred by the presidents. Finally, the analysis shows that intra-executive conflict is associated with cabinet instability. A case study example also illustrates how the president-parliamentary framework can be related to policy ineffectiveness. The study finally concludes that premier-presidential systems have great governance potential provided that the party systems develop and consolidate. The conclusions regarding the president-parliamentary system are less encouraging, and it is argued that the adoption of this system is an important factor in relation to the failed democratisation in many post-Soviet countries.