L'objectif de cette étude doctoral est d'étudier l'impact du processus de transition économique, de l'économie centralisée à l'économie de marché, sur les entreprises des pays d'Europe de l’Est et Centrale (EEC) de 1989 à 2016. Dans les deux premiers articles, pour conceptualiser la structure intellectuelle de la transition économique et de la privatisation, en tant que principales composantes de la transition, a été utilisée l’analyse des mots-clés (Co-Word Analysis: CWA) sur la littérature existante. Cette méthode scientométrique consiste d’abord à extraire les concepts les plus importants décrivant un champ de recherche à partir de titres et/ou de résumés sur la base d'un grand nombre de documents académiques, puis de calculer les occurrences de chaque concept et de générer des grappes (clusters) de tels concepts fondés sur la force de leur association. CWA affiche ces clusters dans une carte 2D en fonction de leur force interne et externe qui représente la structure intellectuelle du domaine de recherche en question. Les résultats de ces deux articles, ainsi que d'autres auteurs (Berglöf & Roland, 2006; Stiglitz, 2000, 2006) soulignent l'importance des facteurs non-économiques sur la performance de l'entreprise. Selon Frye & Shleifer (1997), parmi les facteurs non-économiques et non-institutionnels, la corruption est identifiée comme un élément important pendant le processus de transition qu’Intriligator (1996), confirme également pendant le processus de privatisation. Le dernier article propose des résultats inédits sur l'impact de la corruption et du crime sur la performance de l'entreprise / The aim of this doctoral study is to investigate the impact of economic transition process, from centrally planned economy to market economy, on the enterprises in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries from 1989 to 2016. In the two first articles, to map the intellectual structure of economic transition and of privatization, as the main component of transition, has been used Co-Word Analysis (CWA) on extant literature. CWA consists initially in extracting the most important concepts describing a research field from titles and/or abstracts on the basis of a large number of scholarly papers, then calculating the occurrences of each concept and generating clusters of such concepts based on the strength of their association. CWA display these clusters in a 2D map depending on their internal and external strength of each cluster that represents the intellectual structure of the research field in question. The results of these two articles, along with other authors (Berglöf & Roland, 2006; Stiglitz, 2000, 2006), emphasize the importance of non-economic factors on enterprise performance. According to (Frye & Shleifer, 1997), among the non-economic and non-institutional factors, corruption, is identified as the element that played an important role during the transition process and as Intriligator (1996) confirms, also during the privatization process. Though in the last article, are provided new insights of the impact of corruption, crime and “time tax” on enterprise performance

Through the use of political conditionality, the EU has exercised what many have chosen to call an international normative power. The fast democratisation process of the central European countries that joined the EU in 2004 has often been attributed to the force of EU’s normative power. Here, the core of the political conditionality was found in a promised future membership – acting as a reward in exchange for democratic reforms. The new European Neighbourhood Policy however, initiated briefly after the 2004 enlargement, gave rise to new prerequisites to the Unions new neighbours and this time enlargement fatigue prevailed in the EU policy. This case study examines and assesses the ability of the EU to exercise its normative power on Ukraine through the new conditions set up by the European Neighbourhood Policy, were a membership perspective neither is promised nor ruled out. The result show that the effective conditions for the conditionality are favourable and that a good progress on the areas of democracy, rule of law and human rights has been achieved. Although difficult to prove, I argue that this progress most probably is partly due to EU’s normative power on Ukraine.

La thèse étudie les interactions entre les correspondants bruxellois et leur milieu de travail.Elle adopte une perspective centrée sur les acteurs. Comment l’arène bruxelloise structure et est structurée par les pratiques et représentations des correspondants issus des Etats ayant adhéré à l’Union depuis 2004 ?L’étude de cette partie du corps de presse permet de comprendre les dynamiques à l’oeuvre dans la relation entre l’Union européenne et les médias.Les correspondants des nouveaux Etats membres proviennent des contextes socio-politiques et médiatiques marqués par le passé (post)communiste. Ils trouvent à Bruxelles un univers professionnel qui peut constituer à la fois un modèle de référence, mais aussi une source de déstabilisation. En même temps, ils peuvent contribuer à certains remaniements enclenchés par les élargissements. Deux larges hypothèses sont proposées. L’une conçoit les correspondants des nouveaux Etats membres comme des révélateurs des dynamiques propres au milieu bruxellois. L’autre les perçoit plutôt comme des sources de changement. Le corpus principal est constitué des entretiens semi-directifs avec les correspondants et d’autres acteurs de la sphère de communication bruxelloise. Des périodes d’observation complètent les entretiens. Ces données sont interprétées grâce à une analyse qualitative de contenu conjuguée à certaines techniques discursives. En ressort un constat d’une triple normalisation. La socialisation aux réalités de l’UE contribue à la banalisation de l’ordre politique européen. Le statut de membre de ces Etats est pris pour acquis. Enfin, on observe une routinisation du travail des correspondants issus des pays nouvellement entrés. Leurs spécificités réelles et imaginées perdent d’acuité. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT :The thesis analyses the ways Brussels press corps interacts with its work environment. Our goal is to understand how Brussels ‘milieu’ structures and is structured by practices and representations of media correspondents from New Member States (from 2004 onwards). The political, social and media contexts of these countries are potentially marked by their (post)communist past. Coming to Brussels may provide an opportunity for these journalists to reassess their behavioral and cognitive schemes. Thus, looking at this specific part of the press corps enables us to grasp the dynamics of European socialization and the relationship between the European Union and the media. Along with correspondents’ adaptation, we are also interested in discovering any transformations caused or facilitated by the arrival of these new players to Brussels. Two large hypotheses are formulated. In the first one, New Member States’ correspondents adapt to the specificities of Brussels arena. The second one is depicting them as a source of change. Our main empirical corpus is composed of interviews with correspondents and other actors of the Brussels communication sphere. Interviews are complemented by periods of observation. The resulting data is interpreted using qualitative content analysis together with some discourse analysis techniques. Our results point to a triple normalization. Exposition to Brussels reality leads to a banalization of European political order, general acceptation of membership status of newly joined countries and a routinization of their correspondents’ practices. Both imagined and tangible specificities of New Member States’ correspondents have diminished. Those players are not perceived as significantly distinct from the rest of the press corps. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The study deals with application of related variety concept and other evolutionary economic geography approaches in the economic landscape of postsocialist states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The goal was to define different types of variety and explore the relationship between these varieties and economic development in CEE countries between 1993 and 2009. The analysis is based on the theoretical and analytical framework presented in studies realized in the most developed countries of Western Europe. The important finding is that this kind of research allow to conclude that different types of variety influence the economic development, but some of the results are different from those in prior studies. The porfolio effect of unrelated variety was not confirmed. However, the results show strong evidence that related variety stimulates employment growth and usually contributes to GDP growth of CEE countries. The results also indicate, that high variety of related sectors could be crucial for future development of new industries (especially in Central Europe). Keywords: evolutionary economic geography, related and unrelated variety, economic development, Central and Eastern Europe

As housing is one of the important parts of gross domestic product and one of the most significant components of people's wealth it is vital to investigate the determinants of its prices. Therefore, we analyze housing prices in Central and Eastern European coun- tries using pooled mean group estimator and vector autoregressive models. The objective of this thesis is to find out whether the fundamentals of housing prices are comparable across different countries and how the shocks in the economy affect housing pricese. For our analysis we used housing prices per square metre, GDP per capita, unemployment rates, 5-year interest rates, harmonised indices of consumer prices and construction cost indices. The conclusions of using pooled mean group estimator suggest that GDP, un- employment, interest rate and HICP indeed significantly affect the housing prices. The results of empirical analysis of individual countries using vector autoregressive model con- clude that shocks in the determinants affect housing prices with lags of 2 to 3 quarters and that the individual countries are driven by slightly different fundamentals.

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The thesis "Electoral Geography of Postcommunist Countries in Central and Eastern Europe" deals with the topic of electoral geography, which is a part of the political geography. The basic hypothesis of the paper is based on opinion that the postcommunist countries experienced the twenty years of development in the postcommunist period which made their electoral geography very similar to one in Western Europe. This hypothesis is proved by three different areas of electoral geography. The first part is composed by the analysis of the electoral geography of the founding elections in the 17 postcommunist countries (including the GDR). In the paper is proposed after the research of all 17 countries the categorization of founding elections on the basis of electoral geography. The second part examines the electoral geography of capitals. The research is focused on the size of the lectorate in the capital compare to the whole country, on the diverhgence of electoral results in the capital and in the whole state and on strength of the party families in capitals. Folowing these three areas is proposed the catehorisation of the postcommunist capitals into the five groups. The third part deals with variability of the electoral results inside the state.

Die Erforschung des städtischen Kirchenmusiklebens zählt zu den Desiderata der Musikwissenschaft.

By looking at the reactions of Russian actors regarding the development of the Belt and Road Initiative of the People’s Republic of China in Central and Eastern Europe, this dissertation presents new theoretical and empirical findings that can be used extensively in the fields of Area and Global Studies, as well as practical policymaking. In this context, the Russian Federation’s foreign policy in the region is understood as cumulative activity and strategy developed by the government of Russia regarding the relationship with other countries that are being impacted by multiple internal and external factors. In order to understand a complex relationship between Russian, Chinese, and Central-Eastern European actors, this study employs uniquely created methods focusing on analyzing the reactions of the relevant Russian policymakers, as well as literature, documents, and statistical data. The reactions are also collected via extensive reflection of interviews and primary source material. In this framework, the areas of Russian interests directly related to and operationalized in Central-Eastern Europe are identified, and those affected by the Belt and Road Initiative the most are researched. The study’s results highlight the many discourses and contradictions when contrasting portrayal and perceptions against statistical data. Since none of these areas were analyzed under these circumstances before, many characterizations about the nature of the Initiative, perception of the actors’ behavior, understanding of the positioning of Russia within contemporary geopolitical realities, and many other aspects have been broadened. That leads to a better comprehension of the mechanisms and networks between the companies and political actors based in the Russian Federation, the People's Republic of China, and Central-Eastern Europe, the effects of their interdependencies and relationship, and general international relations. This research demonstrated a tension of interests within the Russian expert community when assigning securitization to the Belt and Road Initiative sections that affect Russia and East-Central Europe. They are recognized as intertwined with internal politics, economics, geopolitical competitiveness, and international strategy and are thus appropriately employed when reacting to and debating them.

中國經濟現形於中歐與東歐近期備受關注。16+1合作機制在四年前開始發起，號召增進雙方經濟交流往往被視為中國藉由經濟管道，嘗試提升其在歐洲的政治力量。媒體報導，特定歐盟代表以及研究學者有意識到中國在此地區的投資計畫。然而，OFDI真正的目的是什麼? 抑或中國的動機和其他國家的投資者有所不同? 這篇研究會透過相關分析，試著分析中國決定在這個地區投資的最重要決定因素，同時解讀結果。這些結果也會和其他同行研究做深入探討，來駁斥或是證明現今中國FDI的理論；還有比較中國的投資CEE的基本原則和其投資其他地區的動機。 / Chinese economic presence in the region of Central and Eastern Europe has attracted a lot of attention recently. The establishment of the so called 16+1 initiative four years ago, calling on increase of mutual economic exchange is often believed to be a Chinese bid to increase its political power in Europe by economic means. Media coverage, certain EU representatives and researchers became rather aware of Chinese investment projects in this region. However, what are the real aims this OFDI? Does the rationale to invest in CEE differ from motivations to invest elsewhere? Or are Chinese motivations different from investors from other countries? This work will try to analyze the most important determinants of Chinese decision to invest in this region by correlation analysis and while interpreting the results, those will also be investigated along with other peer studies to dis/prove current theories on China’s FDI; and to compare China’s rationale to invest in CEE with motivations to invest elsewhere.