動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段？本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素：交換、強制、動員，重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念，進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下，三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型，它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 / 運用這一理論分析框架，作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性，這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化，決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後，仍舊是行之有效的治理手段，並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是，隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長，以及黨組織自身的日益科層化，在改革開放時期，動員逐漸被有意識的弱化，由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 / Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term ‘mobilization’ in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior’s motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. / Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party’s political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ruling position, and it constituted a major legitimate basis of the party’s ruling of the country together with the faithful pursuit of effective ‘mass line’ tactics. However, as the party’s coercion capacity and material resources grew over the years and it was getting more hierarchical, mobilization has been weakened and ignored, which led to the gradual failing of the party’s daily mass work and social control. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 汪衛華. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-191). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wang Weihua. / 內容摘要 --- p.i / 绪 言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 本文主题与研究目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 城市动迁的悲喜剧 --- p.3 / 《蜗居》：强制拆迁悲剧 --- p.3 / 《乔迁之喜》：动迁本来面目 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 动迁=“动员搬迁 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 作为工作方法的动员：概念与分析框架 --- p.12 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员三义 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、 --- 交换 --- p.17 / Chapter 三、 --- 解决公共问题的三种手段 --- p.19 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为集体行动的社会动员 --- p.25 / Chapter 五、 --- 作为发展手段的社会动员 --- p.28 / Chapter 六、 --- 常规政治与动员政治 --- p.30 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中国共产党的社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 一、 --- 群众运动与社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 二、 --- 群众路线与社会动员 --- p.39 / 发动者 --- p.40 / 发动者与动员对象的关系 --- p.42 / 动员对象--群众 --- p.43 / Chapter 三、 --- 阶级分析与社会动员 --- p.45 / 阶级情感 --- p.46 / 情感与利益 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、 --- 组织特性与社会动员 --- p.50 / Chapter 五、 --- 客观条件 --- p.53 / Chapter 六、 --- 微观机制与宏观效果：纵向历史比较的价值 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三章 --- 动员之起：从对抗政治到非对抗政治 --- p.61 / Chapter 一、 --- 安源经验：组织核心与动员技巧 --- p.61 / Chapter 二、 --- 农民运动：有组织动员与自发暴力 --- p.69 / Chapter 三、 --- 查田运动：社会动员 --- p.76 / 查田运动 --- p.77 / 群众工作方法 --- p.81 / “左倾偏向 --- p.83 / 基本经验：通过乡村基层政权网络进行社会动员 --- p.85 / Chapter 四、 --- 延安道路：中共群众动员模式的定型 --- p.89 / 延安道路 --- p.89 / 抗战背景下党组织的发展 --- p.91 / 动员式治理的初步实践：大生产与减租减息 --- p.99 / “大胆放手 --- p.103 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.108 / Chapter 第四章 --- 动员之承：动员式治理与科层化 --- p.112 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员式治理主导地位的确立：客观条件与主动选择 --- p.113 / 以动员式治理为主导的客观条件 --- p.114 / 对动员式治理的主动选择 --- p.117 / Chapter 二、 --- 动员组织与科层化的党和国家：矛盾的结合体 --- p.121 / 三重矛盾 --- p.122 / 两种组合 --- p.127 / Chapter 三、 --- 动员青年建设边疆：动员治理与科层管理结合的经验 --- p.129 / 青年垦荒队的示范意义与实际效果 --- p.129 / 大跃进时期的支边移民 --- p.132 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为参照的水库移民：欠制度化 --- p.137 / 前三十年水库移民概况 --- p.137 / 水库移民返迁问题 --- p.139 / Chapter 五、 --- 动员失灵？案例比较与本章小结 --- p.142 / Chapter 第五章 --- 动员之转：群众路线言与行 --- p.145 / Chapter 一、 --- 不再发动群众的群众路线 --- p.145 / Chapter 二、 --- 《人民日报》中反映出的变化 --- p.147 / Chapter 三、 --- 组织基础的变化 --- p.153 / 党员队伍的过度壮大 --- p.153 / 基层组织的转型 --- p.154 / 向专业化迈进 --- p.157 / Chapter 四、 --- 上海城市居民委员会变迁的实例：再行政化？ --- p.158 / 改革开放前的上海城市居委会 --- p.158 / “两级政、三级管理与“四级网络 --- p.161 / 居民委员会的功能转型 --- p.165 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.169 / Chapter 第六章 --- 重拾群众动员？结论与展望 --- p.170 / 人民主体地位，人民首创精神：官方话语回归的信号 --- p.171 / 动员何以重要 --- p.172 / 动员传统还可能恢复吗？ --- p.174 / 替代方案？ --- p.177 / 参考文献 --- p.179

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 210-224).

This essay examines the relationship between national consciousness and the Communist Revolution in China between the years 1921 and 1928. / In tracing the trajectory of the national consciousness in our stipulated time period we can discern three distinct phases in its manifestation. Up until 1919 national consciousness was confined primarily to an intellectual elite whose primary concern was the decadence of the Imperial and Confucian state. Following the May Fourth movement (1919), these concerns came to be diffused amongst the urban population. / After the formation of the Chinese Communist Party, the Party addressed nationalist concerns by focusing on the role of imperialists and warlords. This continued following the alliance with the Nationalist Party, the Guomindang, under the United Front. / By 1925 there was the growth of populist movements with distinctly anti-imperialist overtones. The same time also saw a growing interest in the potential of the peasantry as the vanguard for the nationalist revolution. After the April 12, 1927 coup, the Party focused exclusively on the peasantry to carry on with the Nationalist Revolution.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 100-104).

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 100-104). Also available in print.

No description available.

No description available.

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