國立西南聯合大學（簡稱「西南聯大」或「聯大」）是與抗戰相始終的大學。它以戰時教育聞名，成立於抗戰初期（1938 年），由國立北京大學、國立清華大學和私立南開大學聯合組成，抗戰結束後三校解散北歸（1946 年），各自復校。日本的入侵和國家的貧弱，聯大師生共有的民族情感，聯大民主自由的人文環境和「雲南王」龍雲對戰時民主力量的保護等因素，合力構成了聯大地下黨統戰工作的發展空間。這一發展空間與重要的歷史事件的時間點（如1941 年1 月「皖南事變」、1945 年8 月「抗戰勝利」和10 月「龍雲下台」）一起，構成了一個國共角逐的時空。 / 中共中央和南方局對地下黨組織統戰工作的重視和具體指導的時間恰是在聯大成立初期；在聯大中期，為適應局勢，爭取大多數「中間派師生」的支持，中共先後製定了「十六字」方針（即「蔭蔽精幹，長期埋伏，積蓄力量，以待時機」）和「三勤」（即「勤學」、「勤業」、「勤交友」）政策；在聯大後期，中共統戰的方針政策在實踐中得到檢驗，取得成效。 / 聯大地下黨的統戰工作是中共雲南省工作委員會（簡稱「雲南省工委」）統戰工作的重要組成部分。南方局和雲南省工委統戰工作的重點是介於國共兩黨間的「中間力量」。聯大地下黨統戰的人群以聯大師生為主，他們用知識份子所能接受的語言和交友方式對其做統戰工作，突出中共是眾望所歸的力量。一方面，地下黨人以「民族主義」和「愛國」來把如聯大教授等「中間力量」團結起來，通過組織集會探討時事以引發高級知識份子思考抗戰失利、貪污腐敗、物價飛漲、民不聊生的根源，由此孤立國民黨。另一方面，聯大地下黨人在品學兼優的基礎上，以「中間學生」的姿態出現，為聯大同學辦實事（如解決吃飯難問題），由此贏得了大多數「中間學生」的好感。如果說在雲南民主運動高潮到來前，聯大地下黨對「中間派師生」的統戰成效限於潛移默化的影響，那麼在1944-1946年民主運動高潮來臨時，其統戰成效已體現為促使「中間派師生」走出書齋，用文字和行動來爭取「民主與和平」，反抗國民黨當局的獨裁專制。 / 誠然，在四十年代中期，「中間力量」所認同的是介於美蘇政治體制間的「第三條道路」。因此，雲南省工委和聯大地下黨通過扛起「民族主義」和「新民主」的旗幟將聯大師生等「中間力量」凝聚在一起，在孤立國民黨的同時，促使「中間力量」放棄「第三條道路」，服膺於「新民主主義」的「革命」之路。無疑，毛澤東的話語吸引了愛國的知識份子群體，使其感到儘管中共提倡的「新民主」並非西方強調的「民主」，但卻是一條可行的救國之路，「中間力量」感到可參與其中，輔助中共並影響其決策，甚至共同決定中國未來發展的方向。的確，大多數的聯大師生等「中間力量」對於中共及其所提倡的「新民主」是有期待的。南方局、雲南省工委和聯大地下黨的統戰成效亦於此可見。 / 然而，本文也提及，在中共成為執政黨後，當「中間力量」對「革命」勝利發揮作用的歷史使命完成後，受西方教育理念影響的知識份子的「自由主義」與中共的「思想統整」間的弔詭性矛盾即被凸顯。因此，在中共建國後，對知識份子的思想改造不可避免，在這個靈魂改造的過程中，受沖擊的不僅僅是聯大師生 等「中間力量」，即使雲南省工委和聯大地下黨人亦不能幸免。 / 事實上，聯大地下黨對聯大師生等「中間力量」的統戰工作的深遠影響並未隨著聯大的解體和新中國的成立而結束。聯大地下黨人及其統戰對象聯大「中間派師生」，在經歷了新中國對知識份子的思想改造運動後，如何反思民族主義、革命與民主的關係亦值得作進一步的梳理和檢討。這是本文的一個後續研究方向。 / "The emergence of National South-west Associated University (hereafter abbreviated as NSAU) coincided roughly with the war of the Chinese resistance to Japanese aggression. Because of the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugou Qiao) incident on 7 July 1937 and the subsequent Japanese invasion of China, three renowned universities of north China, Peking University, Tsinghua University and Nankai University, were consolidated into one temporary university, National Changsha Temporary University (hereafter abbreviated as NCTU), by the Ministry of Education and relocated to Changsha in 1937. At the end of 1937, Nanjing fell, and Wuhan was in crisis, NCTU was forced to move again then to Yunnan province in 1938 and changed its name to NSAU. NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work was an important part of the Southern Bureau’s and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee's activities. The Southern Bureau was in charge of the underground party branches in Chiang Kai-shek’s districts. The United Front work of the Southern Bureau and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee focused on “the third force” or “the middle force”. In order to win the support of almost all intellectuals especially NSAU’s students and professors, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai separately formulated the Sixteen-Character Guideline of the CCP’s underground party work: Hiding Elites (yinbi jinggan), Long-term Ambushes (changqi maifu), Saving Force (jixu liliang) and Waiting for the Opportunity (yidai shiji) and the policy of the Three Diligences that refers to Working with Diligence, Studying with Diligence, and Making friends with Diligence. The policy of the Three Diligences was the concrete application of the Sixteen-Character Guideline, according to Zhou Enlai’s idea. / NSAU’s underground party undertook United Front work to influence “the middle force” by cultural activities, propaganda skills and the ways of making friends that were accepted by most of the intellectuals, and stressed that CCP could meet the expectations of the patriotic masses in China. On the one hand,the Communists united “the middle force” such as NSAU’s professors who adhered to nationalism and patriotism, and isolated the Nationalists by organizing rallies and discussing current events, and then led the senior intellectuals to believe that the root cause of the defeat in the anti-Japanese war, corruption, soaring prices and hardship suffered by people wasGuomindang, the Nationalist Party. On the other hand, NSAU’s underground party members, who excelled others in both morals and studies, solved practical problems for their classmates (such as the lack of food), thus winning most of their classmates’ support. / Admittedly “the middle force” was identified with “the third way” whose political stand was between the American and Soviet models in mid-1940s. But the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party combined elements of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s students and professors to isolate the Guomindang, and prompted them to give up “the third way” and believe in the revolutionary way of New Democracy. / There is no doubt that Mao Zedong’s words moved the patriotic intellectuals and made them feel that although the New Democracy advocated by CCP was not Western democracy, it was a feasible way to save the country, and these intellectuals and democrats could participate in and influence the CCP’s decisions on the developmental direction of China in the future. Indeed, most of followers of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s teachers and students believed in both CCP and its New Democracy. In this sense, it is obvious that the United Front activities of the Southern Bureau, the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party were highly effective. / This thesis also mentions that, however, after CCP became the ruling party and “the middle force” had completed its historical mission of being an important ally and follower of CCP in the revolutionary victory, the paradoxical contradiction between the liberal intellectuals influenced by Western value on the one side, and CCP, on the other, became notable. Therefore, a movement of thought reform for intellectuals had to be launched after the founding of the People's Republic of China. In this campaign to reform the soul, those purged were not only “the middle force” including NSAU’s students and professors, but even the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party members. / In fact, the profound influence of NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work on “the middle force” did not end with the disbandment of NSAU and the establishment of new China. After the movement of thought reform for intellectuals, how the former NSAU’s underground party members and their targets of United Front work (i.e., the former NSAU’s teachers and students of “the middle force”) reflected upon the relations between nationalism, revolution and democracy is worth further examination and review. This will be one of the dimensions of a follow-up study of this dissertation. / 劉宇. / Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2016. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 339-365). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on September 8, 2017). / Liu Yu . / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

羅欣欣. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院藝術學部, 1998. / 附參考文獻. / 中英文摘要. / Luo Xinxin. / 序言 --- p.1 / 論文摘要 --- p.2 / 插圖目錄 --- p.5 / 緒論 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一章 --- 中共建國前的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1927-1949) / Chapter I. --- 毛澤東政治地位的確立 --- p.28 / Chapter II. --- 土地革命戰爭時期(1927-1937)：毛澤東繪畫圖像的起源 --- p.30 / Chapter III. --- 抗口戰爭時期(1937-1945)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.31 / Chapter 1 . --- 魯藝木刻工作團的成立1938 --- p.32 / Chapter 2. --- 晉西北木刻工廠1941 --- p.33 / Chapter 3. --- 《延安文藝座談會上的講話》1942 --- p.34 / Chapter 4. --- 赤色郵政 1944 --- p.40 / Chapter 5. --- 中共黨報 1945 --- p.41 / Chapter IV. --- 全國解放戰爭時期(1945-1949)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.43 / 小結 --- p.47 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中共建國後的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1949-1966) / Chapter I. --- 中華人民共和國成立初年的毛澤東繒畫圖像發展 --- p.53 / Chapter 1. --- 中華人民共和國的成立194 9 --- p.53 / Chapter a. --- 延安藝術傳統的毛澤東漫畫圖像 --- p.54 / Chapter b. --- 王朝聞的繪畫領袖像指示 --- p.56 / Chapter 2. --- 土地改革 1950-1952 --- p.59 / Chapter a. --- 新年畫創作運動 --- p.59 / Chapter 3. --- 建國初年的整黨整風1950-52 --- p.66 / Chapter a. --- 革命歷史畫創作計劃 --- p.67 / Chapter II. --- 中蘇親密外交下的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.70 / Chapter 1. --- 全盤蘇化1950-55 --- p.70 / Chapter a. --- 蘇聯宣傳畫的影響 --- p.70 / Chapter b. --- 蘇聯油畫的影響 --- p.72 / Chapter c. --- 蘇聯領袖像選材的影響 --- p.74 / Chapter III. --- 中共社會經濟改革下的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.76 / Chapter 1. --- 第一個五年計劃1953-1957 --- p.76 / Chapter a. --- 中國畫的改造 --- p.78 / Chapter b. --- 油畫民族化 --- p.81 / Chapter 2. --- 大躍進及人民公社運動1958-60 --- p.84 / Chapter 3. --- 社會主義教育運動1962-65 --- p.88 / Chapter a. --- 革命歷史繪畫運動 --- p.59 / 小結 --- p.91 / Chapter 第三章 --- 文革時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1966-1976) / Chapter I. --- 文化大革命發動的原因 --- p.105 / Chapter 1. --- 文化大革命序幕：海瑞罷官1965 --- p.105 / Chapter 2. --- 毛澤東個人崇拜 --- p.107 / Chapter II. --- 文革時期毛澤東繪畫圖像的發展 --- p.107 / Chapter 1. --- 紅衛兵運動1966 --- p.107 / Chapter a. --- 紅衛兵藝術 --- p.108 / Chapter b. --- 《毛澤東思想照亮安源工人革命運動展覽》 --- p.113 / Chapter c. --- 「紅、光、亮」的藝術手法 --- p.115 / Chapter 2. --- 工農兵領導下的文化大革命1969 --- p.117 / Chapter a. --- 工農兵繪畫運動 --- p.118 / Chapter 3. --- 毛澤東的親密戰友一林彪的叛變1971 --- p.124 / Chapter 4. --- 毛澤東的接班人一華國鋒1976 --- p.125 / 小結 --- p.126 / Chapter 第四章 --- 文革後及改革開放時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1976-1997) / Chapter I. --- 文革後的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.132 / Chapter 1. --- 後文革時期的藝術1976-1978 --- p.132 / Chapter a. --- 《熱烈慶祝華國鋒同志任中央主席、中央軍委主席 、熱烈慶祝粉碎四人幫篡黨奪權陰謀的偉大勝 利全國美術作品展覽》 --- p.133 / Chapter b. --- 《慶祝中國人民解放軍建軍50周年美術作品展覽》 --- p.134 / Chapter c. --- 毛主席紀念堂的落成 --- p.136 / Chapter d. --- 《毛主席永遠活在我們心中´ؤ毛主席逝世一周 年美術作品展覽》 --- p.137 / Chapter 2. --- 傷痕藝術1978-1979 --- p.139 / Chapter 3. --- 星星美展1979-1980 --- p.140 / Chapter II. --- 改革開放時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.141 / Chapter 1. --- 美術新思潮下的毛澤東圖像 --- p.141 / Chapter a. --- 後八九的中國新藝術一政治波普中的毛澤東圖像 --- p.143 / Chapter b. --- 毛澤東藝術圖像的拍賣熱潮 --- p.151 / Chapter 2. --- 宮方持續創作的毛澤東繪畫圖像 --- p.152 / 小結 --- p.156 / 結語 --- p.161 / 附錄一 ：1.中國藝術史中毛澤東書法圖像的社會文化意義 --- p.1-1 / 2.美術展覽中的毛澤東繪畫圖像畫目 --- p.1-6 / 附錄二：參考書目 --- p.2-1 / 附錄三：現代中國藝術史中毛澤東繪畫圖像畫目 --- p.3-1 / 附錄四：圖版 --- p.4-1

陳韋燕. / "2007年12月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(leaves 266-272). / "2007 nian 12 yue". / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Weiyan. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 266-272). / Chapter 第一章： --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章： --- 佛樂在中國的變遷 --- p.10 / Chapter 第一節： --- 佛教音樂 --- p.11 / Chapter 第二節： --- 佛教音樂在中國 --- p.12 / Chapter 第三節： --- 香港佛教 --- p.16 / Chapter 第三章： --- 瑜伽燄口佛事 --- p.20 / Chapter 第一節： --- 「燄口佛事」 --- p.20 / Chapter 第二節： --- 「廣東燄口」 --- p.24 / Chapter 第四章： --- 寶蓮禪寺廣東燄口佛事個案記錄 --- p.48 / Chapter 第一節： --- 寶蓮禪寺 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二節： --- 儀式的空間 --- p.54 / Chapter 第三節： --- 儀式參與者 --- p.57 / Chapter 第四節： --- 儀軌、音聲與動作 --- p.61 / Chapter 第五節： --- 儀式的全程 --- p.63 / Chapter 第六節： --- 儀式的紀錄 --- p.74 / Chapter 第五章： --- 寶蓮禪寺廣東燄口佛事個案音樂分析 --- p.191 / Chapter 第一節： --- 器樂方面 --- p.191 / Chapter 第二節： --- 聲樂方面 --- p.196 / Chapter 第三節： --- 唱曲運用特點 --- p.230 / Chapter 第四節： --- 法器及樂器的運用 --- p.237 / Chapter 第六章： --- 儀式音樂的神性與世俗 --- p.239 / Chapter 第一節： --- 儀式音樂的硏究 --- p.239 / Chapter 第二節： --- 燄口佛事中音樂的運用 --- p.241 / Chapter 第三節： --- 廣東燄口佛事音樂的地域性和跨地域性特點 --- p.244 / Chapter 第四節： --- 儀式音聲的神性與世俗：音樂的多層次核心與非核心關係 --- p.256 / Chapter 第七章： --- 總結 --- p.263 / 參考書目 --- p.266

In the post-World War II period, the population of poor and working-class Chinese New Yorkers––most of whom lived in Manhattan’s Chinatown––drastically increased in size and so too did the range of health problems they faced. This dissertation is the first in-depth historical study of Chinese Americans/New Yorkers’ postwar experiences with health education and activism. It documents the work of Chinese American grassroots activists and medical professionals to establish access to healthcare for Chinatown residents. By analyzing the transnational and cross-class dynamics of this movement, the dissertation challenges the long-standing assumption that the more well-to-do individuals of Chinese ancestry—especially recent professional immigrants from Taiwan and Hong Kong—had little interest in the wellbeing of their poorer counterparts. It also places Chinese New Yorker history alongside the better-known community control movements and health activism in Black and Latinx communities. The dissertation draws from research at 14 archives across the U.S., rare personal papers in Chinese and English, and interviews with over twenty Chinese American doctors and Chinatown activists. Before the mid-twentieth century, Chinese New Yorkers faced inequities in medical education and healthcare due to racially discriminatory policies and practices. From the 1940s to the 1960s, the end of Chinese exclusion and U.S. Cold War geopolitical interests in Asia allowed a select group of Chinese and Chinese American doctors and nurses to enter academic medicine and public health in the city. Chinese American public health nurses attracted public and private funding for much-needed social and health services in Chinatown by leveraging their transnational backgrounds and popular beliefs in the assimilation and integration of nonwhites. Meanwhile, the New York City-based American Bureau for Medical Aid to China and other American groups launched medical aid programs to help train medical personnel for the Nationalist Party and sustain its troops in their fight against the Chinese Communist Party. A subset of Chinese medical graduates from these programs drew from their hybrid credentials, contacts, and linguistic skills to obtain competitive jobs at hospitals and academic medical centers in New York and other American cities. Many of the transplanted Chinese medical graduates had intended to return to China after a short stint of advanced study in the U.S. But they decided to stay as a pragmatic response to political and social upheavals and constraints. Starting in the late 1960s, Chinatown’s rapidly expanding population, as well as the “maximum feasible participation” doctrine of President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty initiative, made it strategic for the community watchdog agency, the Lower East Side Health Council-South, to court and include Chinatown residents in the fight for a better and new public hospital—Gouverneur Hospital. Inspired by the Civil Rights movement, workers’ struggles, and health radicalism in Black and Latinx communities, the Chinese American and Afro-Puerto Rican Health Council workers, Thomas Tam and Paul Ramos, implemented community programs and organized highly publicized and disruptive events, including a summer street health fair in Chinatown. Chinese New Yorkers of diverse migratory, class, age, and political backgrounds, including Chinese medical graduates who had the credentials and resources to serve their compatriots, played an integral role in these activities. In 1971, the cross-ethnic, cross-class coalition successfully demanded the opening and hiring of more bilingual personnel at the new Gouverneur. By the late 1970s, efforts led by Thomas Tam and Paul Ramos to bring the medical exam room into the Lower East Side became institutionalized in the form of the Chinatown and Betances Health Clinics. The clinics offered low-cost, comprehensive, and multilingual services, and encouraged professionals and youths of color to serve the community.

In this dissertation, level set methods are employed to segment masses in digital mammographic images and to classify land cover classes in hyperspectral data. For the mammography computer aided diagnosis (CAD) application, level set-based segmentation methods are designed and validated for mass periphery segmentation, spiculation segmentation, and core segmentation. The proposed periphery segmentation uses the narrowband level set method in conjunction with an adaptive speed function based on a measure of the boundary complexity in the polar domain. The boundary complexity term is shown to be beneficial for delineating challenging masses with ill-defined and irregularly shaped borders. The proposed method is shown to outperform periphery segmentation methods currently reported in the literature. The proposed mass spiculation segmentation uses a generalized form of the Dixon and Taylor Line Operator along with narrowband level sets using a customized speed function. The resulting spiculation features are shown to be very beneficial for classifying the mass as benign or malignant. For example, when using patient age and texture features combined with a maximum likelihood (ML) classifier, the spiculation segmentation method increases the overall accuracy to 92% with 2 false negatives as compared to 87% with 4 false negatives when using periphery segmentation approaches. The proposed mass core segmentation uses the Chan-Vese level set method with a minimal variance criterion. The resulting core features are shown to be effective and comparable to periphery features, and are shown to reduce the number of false negatives in some cases. Most mammographic CAD systems use only a periphery segmentation, so those systems could potentially benefit from core features.

Not applicable. / The study “Water carved out the mountains. Policy communication of Engaged Buddhists related to international development cooperation” contributes to an understanding of development from perspectives of non-denominational action among so called Engaged Buddhists. Departing from qualitative interviews with nine leaders of socially engaged organizations from five Asian countries, the systemic programming resulting from their ideals are compared to key principles and programming of international development cooperation. Responding to the question:”What policy ideals shape the development programming, and can these be linked to forms of power and the rights-based approach?” this inter-disciplinary and multi-sited study feeds into the increased interest in faith-based expressions within the general public sphere, and specifically in the development industry. Guided by the ontology of critical realism, a mixed method is used shaped by qualitative interviews and participatory observations, enabling both analysis of meanings and development programming. Based on their views on Buddhist ethics and practices, the leaders address development topics common today. Policies expressed are placed within a communication culture for change, yet not necessarily by conventional confrontational advocacy modes. Diverse understandings are at play, such as how to convey meanings of “kindness”. Although not referring to concepts common within the social and cultural structures of contemporary international development cooperation, the actors develop methods based on principles of participation in particular and the work today can also be related to other principles of the Human Rights Based Approach. The policies and programming are linked to invisible, informal and formal forms of power although informants refer to interpretations of compassion, inter-relatedness and non-dualism, among other.From a perspective of development cooperation, a hypothetical argument is advanced suggesting that the informants do not differ at substantial level related to their understanding and practice of Buddhism or their general approaches to development topics, as much as they differ regarding their approach to programming aimed at influencing forms of power. The common criticism of Buddhists not addressing power can then for this group be nuanced, and indicatively suggested not to be valid regarding invisible and informal power, but rather regarding formal power.Academic fields: Communication for development with reference to sociology of religion, political science, global studies and multi-sited ethnography.Key words: Engaged Buddhism, Civil Society Organizations, Faith-Based Organizations, Human Right Based Approach, participation, complexity/systemic approaches, power, Thich Nhath Hanh, Sister Chan Khong, Sulak Sivaraksa, Bikkhuni Dhammananda, A.T. Ariyaratne, Sarvodaya.

This thesis is a comparative study of the approaches to mental tranquility advanced by the Pyrrhonian skeptic Sextus Empiricus and Huineng, the historically recognized Sixth Patriarch of the Southern Zen School. Relying on the Outlines of Pyrrhonism and the Platform Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch, the principle texts of the Pyrrhonian and Zen schools respectively, I argue that the Pyrrhonian skeptic’s method of attaining ataraxia (“unperturbedness”) via the use of opposing arguments is essentially identical to that of the Sixth Patriarch Huineng’s employment of “opposition pairs.” Finally, in addition to contextualizing the schools historically, I compare their respective positions on ethical and metaphysical statements.

Confronter la pensée occidentale à la pensée chinoise est une démarche enrichissante à un moment où les cultures se croisent et peuvent même se sentir menacées. J'ai tenté, en partant de l'étude des écritures et de leurs origines de mieux cerner l'avènement de la pensée et son développement dans les deux cas. Il s'agissait de fixer un champ d'étude, j'ai donc songé à présenter le 'réel', le' monde', selon les deux approches et applications, d'un côté le 'logos\ la Raison et de l'autre les conceptions taoïstes, parfois mêlées de bouddhisme. Le 'procès' du monde dont la Chine était très tôt consciente ne lui permettait pas d'interpréter le réel tel que la Grèce et par voie de conséquence l'Occident le concevait, la seule chose qui ne change pas dans le monde étant précisément pour la Chine l'état 'd'impermanence'. Partant notamment du "yi jing" ou "Livre des Mutations", de la construction idéographique, la Chine a voulu représenter le monde tout entier, elle avait une vision différente de celle de I'Occident...Mais une question demeure posée: quelle est au fond l'origine de cette vision ? Est-ce celle de certains penseurs ? Est-ce la nature elle-même ? Est-ce l'écriture comme manifestation humaine? Ma recherche propose quelques jalons pour chaque civilisation, mais la question reste très ouverte / Comparing Western thought and Chinese thought can be quite enriching, at a time when cultures in general can gain contact, as weil as fee!thrcatencd somctimes. l have tried, starting from modes of writings, at their origins, to figure out the advcnt and development ofthought on both sides. The point was also to choose a field ofexpcriment... 1 have thought that 1 could present 'reality', the 'world', from Western and Chinese approaches, with the efiècts of 'logos' and 'Reason' on one side and Taoist and sometimes Buddhist influences on the other. The 'process' of the world that China was conscious of cou id not allow her to apprchend reality such as Greece, very carly, and later Western thought could conceive it. Indeed, the only thing that would not change in this world is the state of 'impermanence' for China. From the yi jing, the Book of Changes, and ideographie patterns and methods, China wanted to show the world, the whole world. That was a vision definitely different from that of the West... Still, one question remains : where does this vision come from ? From thinkers. from Nature itself ? From modes of writings as human responses ? The exposition that I developed offers a few landmarks on both sidcs, but the question is still an open one...

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Chinese

What makes a community sustainable? Is it the effective management of local environmental resources? Or meeting the social, economic and health needs of its population? For the five UBC researchers in the following pages, the answer is unequivocally both. From tackling water scarcity to environmental health and planning, these researchers are individually working to ensure local communities are equipped with the necessary knowledge to remain sustainable for generations to come.