Le contexte actuel de mondialisation et de mobilité des citoyens de tous les pays, qui parlent des langues diverses, change la composition culturelle et linguistique de la société québécoise. Cette diversification de la société remet en question la validité de certaines pratiques dans notre système judiciaire et, plus particulièrement, l’accessibilité à la justice pour tous les citoyens. La notion d’accès à la justice implique que tout justiciable possède le droit de participer en pleine égalité aux procédures qui se déroulent devant les tribunaux, ainsi que le droit à un procès équitable. La présente étude examine la pratique de l’un des plus importants tribunaux administratifs du Québec, le Tribunal administratif du travail (TAT), division santé et sécurité du travail. Le TAT offre aux travailleurs l’accès à la justice en pleine égalité, et dans le respect des règles de justice naturelle relativement aux demandes touchant leurs droits, mais sans fournir de services gratuits d’interprète aux travailleurs membres d’une minorité linguistique. Il s’agit des travailleurs qui ne parlent pas et ne comprennent pas la langue employée à l’audience, à savoir la langue française ou la langue anglaise. L’auteure examine le droit de ces travailleurs de bénéficier des services gratuits d’un interprète devant le TAT en raison du droit à l’égalité et du droit à un procès équitable garantis par les dispositions de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés et de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne. / The current context of globalization and mobility of citizens of all countries, who speak different languages, changes the cultural and linguistic composition of the Quebec society. This diversification of society challenges the validity of certain practices in our justice system, in particular the accessibility of justice for all citizens. The notion of access to justice implies that everyone has the right to participate fully in the proceedings before the courts, as well as the right to a fair trial. This study examines the practice of one of the largest administrative tribunals in Quebec, the Tribunal administratif du travail (TAT), Health and Safety Division. The TAT provides workers with equal access to justice, complying with the rules of natural justice with respect to claims affecting their rights, but without providing free interpreter services to minority language workers. These are workers who do not speak and do not understand the language used in a hearing, namely French or English. The author examines the right of these workers to free services of an interpreter before the TAT, pursuant to their right to equality and the right to a fair trial guaranteed by the provisions of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms.

Lobbying should be strictly regulated – that is the major finding of this thesis. The thesis presents many reasons to enact stricter regulations. The principle one being that, as lightly regulated as it is, lobbying is corroding democracy in both Canada and the United States. The thesis opens with a deep investigation of how lobbying works in both countries. There are examples taken from the literature, as well as original qualitative interviews of Canadian lobbyists, former politicians, and officials. Together, these make it clear that there is an intimate relationship between lobbying and campaign financing. The link between the two is sufficiently tight that lobbying and campaign financing should be considered mirrors of each other for the purposes of regulatory design and constitutional jurisprudence. They both have large impacts on government decision-making. Left lightly regulated, lobbying and campaign financing erode the processes of democracy, damage policy-making, and feed an inequality spiral into plutocracy. These have become major challenges of our time. The thesis examines the lobbying regulations currently in place. It finds the regulatory systems of both countries wanting. Since stricter regulation is required to protect democracy and equality, the thesis considers what constitutional constraints, if any, would stand in the way. This, primarily, is a study of how proposed stronger lobbying regulations would interact with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, s. 2 (free expression and association rights) and s. 3 (democratic rights). The principal findings are that legislation which restricted lobbying as proposed would probably be upheld by the Canadian court, but struck down by the American court, due to differences in their constitutional jurisprudence. The thesis contends that robust lobbying regulations would align with Canadian Charter values, provide benefits to democracy, improve government decision-making, increase equality, and create more room for citizen voices. The thesis concludes with a set of proposed principles for lobbying reform and an evaluation of two specific reforms: limits on business lobbying and funding for citizen groups. Although the thesis focuses on Canadian and American lobbying regulations, its lessons are broadly applicable to any jurisdiction that is considering regulating lobbying.

There is enough evidence on how climate change consequences will adversely affect Africa despite the fact that it is the continent that has least contributed to the problem. The international climate change regime recognises Africa's vulnerability to climate change and provides for special treatment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the UNFCCC). Thus, the international climate change regime presents an opportunity for African countries to adapt and mitigate the consequences of climate change through the UNFCCC mechanism. However, the international climate change legal regime has not been able to adequately assist African countries to address the consequences of climate change under the vulnerability principle. Although the current international climate change regime requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, Africa needs to take steps itself to address the problem, because it is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The African Union (AU) could play a great role in ensuring that the international climate change regime addresses the consequences of climate change in the region. This could be done through fostering strong African common positions during international climate change negotiations. A strong common position could strengthen African bargaining power and might result in more funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer for adaptation and mitigation programmes under the UNFCCC-Kyoto Conference of Parties. However, reaching a strong common position requires the cooperation of the AU member states. In this context, African regional integration is an opportunity for the AU to foster such cooperation among member states. The Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Protocol on the Relations between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) prioritise regional economic integration and call for states' cooperation, but the call has not yet been heeded. To realise deep and viable African integration, there must be a well-structured institutional and legal framework that defines the relationship between the AU, the AEC and the RECs. African regional integration is also seen as an avenue whereby the AU can create its own regional climate-change regime. In this regard, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is examined in order to assess whether it adequately integrates climate change issues. This study finds that although Africa is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is weak and inadequate to address the problem. The Framework should integrate climate change issues in order to achieve sustainable development. The AU should also ensure that member states ratify the relevant treaties and protocols (the Maputo Nature Convention and the Protocol establishing the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) that have not yet been ratified in order that they may become operational. The Maputo Nature Convention puts sustainable development in the forefront of attention as a reaction to the potentially conflicting environmental and developmental challenges facing the continent (such as climate change), but it is not yet in force. This work finds that human rights law can strengthen the AU's role in addressing climate change through its normative framework. The human rights approach to climate change under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Banjul Charter) is a viable avenue because human rights law forms the basis for states' responsibility based on human rights obligations and principles. The extraterritorial application of the Banjul Charter presents an avenue for AU institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the African Human Rights Court to curb the effects of climate change through a human rights lens. The future of the AU is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identify strong African regional integration as an avenue through which the AU can foster the cooperation of member states to address the consequences of climate change in the AU's and RECs' normative frameworks. General recommendations are made on the need for the international climate change regime to pay more attention to issues of funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer on the basis of the vulnerability principle and in relation to the principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Also, the AU needs to strengthen its legal and institutional structures to ensure deep African integration that is capable of addressing common challenges such as the consequences of climate change. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

There is enough evidence on how climate change consequences will adversely affect Africa despite the fact that it is the continent that has least contributed to the problem. The international climate change regime recognises Africa's vulnerability to climate change and provides for special treatment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the UNFCCC). Thus, the international climate change regime presents an opportunity for African countries to adapt and mitigate the consequences of climate change through the UNFCCC mechanism. However, the international climate change legal regime has not been able to adequately assist African countries to address the consequences of climate change under the vulnerability principle. Although the current international climate change regime requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, Africa needs to take steps itself to address the problem, because it is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The African Union (AU) could play a great role in ensuring that the international climate change regime addresses the consequences of climate change in the region. This could be done through fostering strong African common positions during international climate change negotiations. A strong common position could strengthen African bargaining power and might result in more funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer for adaptation and mitigation programmes under the UNFCCC-Kyoto Conference of Parties. However, reaching a strong common position requires the cooperation of the AU member states. In this context, African regional integration is an opportunity for the AU to foster such cooperation among member states. The Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Protocol on the Relations between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) prioritise regional economic integration and call for states' cooperation, but the call has not yet been heeded. To realise deep and viable African integration, there must be a well-structured institutional and legal framework that defines the relationship between the AU, the AEC and the RECs. African regional integration is also seen as an avenue whereby the AU can create its own regional climate-change regime. In this regard, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is examined in order to assess whether it adequately integrates climate change issues. This study finds that although Africa is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is weak and inadequate to address the problem. The Framework should integrate climate change issues in order to achieve sustainable development. The AU should also ensure that member states ratify the relevant treaties and protocols (the Maputo Nature Convention and the Protocol establishing the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) that have not yet been ratified in order that they may become operational. The Maputo Nature Convention puts sustainable development in the forefront of attention as a reaction to the potentially conflicting environmental and developmental challenges facing the continent (such as climate change), but it is not yet in force. This work finds that human rights law can strengthen the AU's role in addressing climate change through its normative framework. The human rights approach to climate change under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Banjul Charter) is a viable avenue because human rights law forms the basis for states' responsibility based on human rights obligations and principles. The extraterritorial application of the Banjul Charter presents an avenue for AU institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the African Human Rights Court to curb the effects of climate change through a human rights lens. The future of the AU is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identify strong African regional integration as an avenue through which the AU can foster the cooperation of member states to address the consequences of climate change in the AU's and RECs' normative frameworks. General recommendations are made on the need for the international climate change regime to pay more attention to issues of funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer on the basis of the vulnerability principle and in relation to the principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Also, the AU needs to strengthen its legal and institutional structures to ensure deep African integration that is capable of addressing common challenges such as the consequences of climate change. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

This study attempted to discover the role of internal auditors in the professional development of audit committee members, leading to enhanced performance, through the provision of induction programmes and professional development opportunities to committee members, with due regard for the principles of good governance and international best practices. A secondary aim of this study was to propose methods to improve the relationship between the internal audit activity and audit committees in providing additional support to its members. The audit committee's needs and requirements were assessed by using the audit committee charter as the basis in identifying the responsibilities of the committee and the professional development needs of committee members in an organisation. It was found that a framework for the induction and professional development of audit committee members would be most useful to internal auditors to assist audit committees to meet their requirements and improve their performance. / Auditing / M. Com.

This study is entitled ‘investigating the challenges in enforcing international human rights law in Africa: Towards an effective regional system’. It centres around a critical research problem namely: what challenges beset regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa and how can they be addressed to ensure the effective promotion and protection of human rights in the continent? It critically reviews and revisits the discourses and scholarly arguments on the crucial issue of regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa. It traverses through historical epochs in order to explain the origins, scope and evolution of human rights law in Africa. This is done in the quest for answers to questions such as: When and how did Africa’s regional human rights system originate? What factors led to its emergence? Was the concept of human rights recognised in Africa prior to European colonial rule? What is the present status of international human rights in Africa? It therefore lays the foundations for a better understanding of the historical and philosophical origins and evolution of Africa’s regional human rights system. The study then proceeds to review the normative and institutional mechanisms established in Africa to enforce human rights at the regional level. Particularly, it highlights the roles of the African Commission and Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the light of their contribution to, and challenges in, the enforcement of human rights in the region. The study concludes with recommendations on the possible ways to invigorate the African human rights system. One of the key findings is that, with appropriate reforms, the system can be more effective. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.D. (Public, Constitutional and International Law)

The world has seen gradual evolution of regional human rights arrangements. The adoption by the UN General Assembly of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights on December 10, 1948, was followed by the creation of numerous regional instruments that address concerns of particular importance in the regional context. Three world regions, Africa, the Americas and Europe, have established their respective regional instruments together with the supervisory mechanism, such as commissions and courts. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, with its emphasis on group rights and individual duties challenges the Western liberal account of rights, as expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The cultural differences brought to the fore not only the tension between individual and group rights but also the question as to whether of the universalism of human rights is possible. The study advocates for a moderate universalism of human rights, which can only be achieved through a dialogue among different cultural approaches to the notion of human rights. This study examines the content and substance of human rights norms of the African system with a view to recommending the possible strategies for their reform. Its central thesis is, the system is rather weak and therefore needs to be reformed. Toward this end, the study analyses the provisions of the African Charter. Thereafter, it explores its weaknesses and proposes strategies for their reform. The African human rights mechanisms face a number of common and particular challenges. Prospectively, Africa is going through a tremendous and interesting phase. These challenges are not insurmountable. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.D.

This study explored how the well-being of the gays, lesbians and bisexuals (GLBs} in Botswana could be promoted. The health and human rights approach that places dignity before rights was selected as a framework for investigation. The respondents' (n=47) levels of well-being were assessed through a questionnaire with 76 items that included the General Well-Being Schedule. The findings indicated that varying degrees of distress were experienced by 64 % of the GLBs in this study. The GLBs identified a need for HIV/AIDS education and had concerns about their general health, discrimination and vulnerability for violence including sexual attacks. Their levels of well-being were influenced by both positive internal acceptance of their sexual orientation and negative external acceptance by society. Levels of involvement of health professionals was poor, and linkage between health and human rights was proposed to reduce dignity violations and improve the quality of life of the GLBs in Botswana. / Health Studies / M.A. (Nursing Science)

本研究主要目的在於臺北縣升格為準直轄市的背景下探討：(1) 分析臺北縣高中職實施公辦民營之內部、外部效益；(2)評估臺北縣公立高中職公辦民營之可行性；(3) 評估臺北縣公立高中職公辦民營之可行模式；(4) 建構臺北縣公立高中職公辦民營的推動策略;(5)探討民間參與學校公辦民營的動機；(6)分析臺北縣推動公立高中職公辦民營可行區域。希望政府藉由積極結合民間資源共同辦理公共事務，以公辦民營的手段，將民間的管理專業觀念、做法及資金，正面影響學校行政結構、學校經營模式，達成最佳的學校經營成效。 本研究法採文獻分析法、模糊德菲術，針對學校公辦民營的理論、模式、政策與實施四種向度進行探究。研究結果歸納如下： 1.臺北縣實施公立高中職公辦民營之效益為藉由鼓勵民間共同參與辦學，降低財政負擔，以及增加學校多角化經營空間，提供家長多樣化的教育選擇機會。 2.經營型態以特許學校、契約政體模式最為可行。 3.臺北縣於高中職實施的選擇上，以職業學校為優先。 4.臺北縣公辦民營學校之經費來源、財務審計規範、課程與教學、人事運作等應該擁有自主權。 5.臺北縣行政機關應加速研擬公立高中職公辦民營專屬法規。 6.臺北縣政府應建立相關的監督及輔導評鑑的制度，評鑑部分需含自我評鑑及行政機關評鑑，並將評鑑結果公佈。 7.臺北縣新莊市擁有推動公立高中職教育公辦民營的先行試辦優勢。 / On the background of the Taipei County elevating status to “Quasi-Direct-controlled municipality”, the purposes of the research are as follows: (1)Analyzing the internal and external efficiencies when putting private management of public high schools system into practice in Taipei County. (2) Evaluating the feasibility of putting private management of public schools into practice. (3) Evaluating the available models of private management of public high schools in Taipei County. (4)Constructing the strategies of putting private management of public high schools in Taipei County. (5)Inspecting the motors of private associations getting themselves into private management of public high schools in Taipei County.(6)analyzing the feasible regions of Taipei County when putting private management of public high schools system into practice. The government should positively guides private resources into the public affairs, hoping that the civil management concept, business administration conduct, and bankroll can positively affect the public school administrative structure and help the school achieve the best accountability. The research, by adopting methods of documentary analysis, and Fuzzy Delphi, probes into the four dimensions of theory, models, policy, and implementation of private management of public schools. The main conclusions are as follows： 1.The advantages of putting private management of public high schools system into practice were to combine private organizations to decrease government’s financial burden, as well as increasing diverse management space and providing parents various opportunities of educational choices. 2.“Charter school model” and “contract management model” are of the highest feasibility in terms of the implementation of private management of public school in elementary school level in Taipei County. 3.Priority over private management of public school option is new established schools. 4.Private management of public elementary school in Taipei County should possess decision-making power in some aspects including budget source, financial regulation, curriculum and teaching, personnel system . 5.The Taipei county government should accelerate to enact special laws about private management of public school. 6.the Taipei County government should establish relevant systems of control, management, guidance and evaluation. Evaluation system should include Self-Evaluation and Administration- Evaluation, and open the results to the public. 7.The Sinjhuang City of Taipei County has the best potential strengths of putting private management of public high schools system into practice

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de LL.M. en droit option recherche" / Nous entamons notre étude par l'examen de cinq justifications avancées au soutien de la liberté de religion: la tolérance, la rationalité, l'utilitarisme, le perfectionnisme et la neutralité. Ensuite, nous exposons de façon générale le droit relatif à liberté de religion tel qu'il est mis en oeuvre au Canada. Ces deux étapes préliminaires nous amènent à analyser de façon critique l'interaction entre la liberté de religion et les droits et intérêts des enfants. La thèse générale que nous développons est la suivante: lorsqu'une situation met en présence la liberté de religion ainsi que les droits et intérêts fondamentaux d'un enfant qui n'est pas assez mature et intellectuellement indépendant pour pouvoir faire des choix éclairés, nous sommes d'avis que le test de proportionnalité n'est pas appliqué par la Cour suprême et que généralement, il ne devrait pas l'être. Nous concluons que l'intérêt et les droits fondamentaux de l'enfant ont un poids prépondérant. / First, the author analyses five reasons that may be advanced to justify freedom of religion: tolerance, rationality, utilitarianism, perfectionism and neutrality. Then, the author generally sets out the mechanisms by which freedom of religion is interpreted in Canada. These two preliminary steps lead to a critical analysis of the interaction between freedom of religion and children's rights and interests. The author submits that when a legal situation involves freedom of religion and the fundamental interests or rights of children that are not capable of autonomous choices, the Supreme Court does not apply a proportionality test and, generally, courts should not apply it. The author concludes that the fundamental rights and interests of children are preponderant.