The United States military is more than a tool of hard power. It provides the United States with a suite of diplomatic tools and is itself an important producer of American soft power. Though the many repertoires of American defense diplomacy have been carefully studied and the overall phenomenon has been theoretically investigated, their origins have not received similar attention. This research aims to uncover the causes of American defense diplomacy through an account of the American military's institutional development. It is common for defense diplomacy to be presented either as an outgrowth of 9/11 when the United States was engaged in globe-spanning irregular warfare or as part of a drive for global hegemony after the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, this research finds otherwise. A key factor in the development of contemporary defense diplomacy was the suite of institutional changes in the American national security apparatus in the 1980s. In particular, the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Reorganization Act of 1986 reconfigured the power relationships and interests of key elements of the US military thereby overdetermining the development of defense diplomacy. With this finding, this research centers Congress as a key driver of American foreign policy and highlights the sub-state institutional dynamics within the foreign policy apparatus that produced, and reproduce, defense diplomacy as an enduring habit of American statecraft. / Doctor of Philosophy / Using a broad array of archival documents, interviews, and other sources, this research investigated the (unintended) consequences of the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Reorganization Act of 1986. Those reforms reconfigured the power relationships, incentives, and preferences of the US foreign policy apparatus which in turn yielded new habits of American statecraft. Foremost among these new habits was "defense diplomacy" which, beginning in the late 1980s, became a common, enduring, and popular American foreign policy repertoire. This dissertation focuses on Goldwater-Nichols, the emergence of defense diplomacy, and its institutionalization. This project places special emphasis on the US military's central and eastern European state-building and democratization efforts during the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the New World Order. This is a historical institutionalist account contributing to the literature on both the "militarization" of foreign policy as well as the "civilianization" of the military.

在電子化政府的架構下，民眾最重要的數位意見反映管道可謂是民意電子信箱，然而近年全球許多城市開始建制市民熱線系統，讓民眾得以透過電話向政府反映意見，使整個互動介面更為接近「行動政府」的概念，而在台灣的行政系絡下，「村里長」扮演政府機關與一般民眾互動的中介角色，本研究嘗試了解電子信箱與市民熱線這兩項原意用於促進「直接民主」的意見反應管道，對於村里長的工作產生何種影響，並探討村里長使用電子信箱與市民熱線的情況，以及影響他們對這兩項管道滿意認同的變數。 本研究以台北市里長及台北市市長信箱與1999市民熱線為主要標的，透過量化與質化方法的實證資料，主要發現結果包括：(1)台北市里長較常使用市民熱線，較少使用市長信箱；(2)資訊能力、對案件的時效性要求、問題難度與複雜性將影響村里長選擇市長信箱或市民熱線進行意見反映；(3)市長信箱與市民熱線對里長的正面影響包括解決村里民問題、減少工作負擔、提昇服務時效性、減少人情壓力、可有書面或電子資料備查，作為服務表現的基礎；負面影響則包括受申訴的機會增加、村里長工作有被管道取代的危機；(4)服務品質構面的「資訊可信度」、「問題解決程度」及「易用性」，有用性構面中的「解決里民問題」與「有助工作程度」五個變數對管道的滿意度有正向的影響。 本研究根據研究發現，提出三點實務建議：(1)重視「管道問題適用性」之宣傳；(2)促進村里長與意見反映管道結合的服務綜效；(3)思考管道如何對市民產生「有用性」，以提昇公共接觸效果。 / Under the framework of E-government, e-mail is the most important response channel for citizens to interact with governments. However, many cities around the world start to build citizen hotline systems, allowing people reflect their ideas and suggestions via phone. This fact reveals the opportunities of Mobile Government. In Taiwan, Li-chiefs simultaneously reflect residents’ opinions and help delivery public services. The author tries to figure out (1) how Taipei City Mayor’s E-mail Box and 1999 Citizen Hotline affect the daily works of Li-chiefs; (2) their usage of these two response channels, and (3) what variables might affect Li-chiefs’ satisfaction toward e-mail and citizen hotlines. The study uses Taipei City Mayor’s E-mail Box and Taipei 1999 Citizen Hotline as case examples, and collects both qualitative and quantitative empirical data. The author finds that: (1) The Li-chiefs in Taipei use Taipei 1999 Citizen Hotline more frequently than City Mayor’s E-mail. (2) Information literacy, timeliness and task complexity will affect Li-chiefs’ motives to reflect suggestions via e-mail or citizen hotline. (3) Li-chiefs can use these two channels to solve problems and enhance timeliness. On the other hand, the response channels allow citizens to complain to Li-chiefs more easily, and the positions of Li-chiefs might be replaced by the two channels; and (4) information reliability, problem solving ability, ease of use, the effect of solving citizens’ problems, and helping Li-chiefs’ jobs will positively affect the satisfaction of the channels. Based on the finding, the author suggests the government should: (1) emphasize the “appropriate or right questions” when prompting the channels; (2) teach Li-chiefs how to use response channels well to create synergy; and (3) rethink how response channels produce usefulness for citizens.

L'Etude porte sur un groupe social, celui des chefs de guerre, ses contours et ses actions dans le Maine et ses abords durant la guerre de Cent Ans. Elle conduit à s'interroger sur less relations qui lient ces personnages aux rois et aux princes alors qu'ils accomplissent des actes militaires, judiciaires et politiques dans un cadre licite mais aussi à l'occasion illicite (criminalité). Elle amène à se poser la question de la pertinence du choix opéré au niveau de la base géographique retenue ; placés au coeur des tensions qui frappent l'ouest du royaume le Maine et ses abords subissent le passage des compagnies étrangères et finissent par être en grande part occupés par les Anglais. Le groupe intègre essentiellement des "Anglais" (Ecossais, Gallois...), des "Navarrais" et des Français tiraillés, à une époque donnée, entre Armagnacs et Bourguignons et issus en partie des milieux locaux. Le panel des rangs, des statuts et des tires de chefs de guerre est très divers. On discerne deux strates majeures. La base du recrutement est de celle de la petite noblesse rurale, voire de la bourgeoisie, tandis que les plus hauts titres sont réservés à ceux des hautes sphères nobiliaires que sont les princes de sang. Ces chefs de guerre ont une grande importance locale et régionale mais ils jouent aussi, d'une manière plus générale, un rôle majeur dans la structuration de la société nobiliaire Créant des us et coutumes, une idéologie et des habitus, s'intégrant dans les normes liées à leur groupe avec une vie sociale spécifique, notamment lors des joutes, avec la réalisation de gisants, d'épitaphes et d'autres formes de traces eschatologiques. Ces chefs de guerre créent une dynamique militaire et des stratégies d'ascension sociale à la fois au coeur de la sphère militaire mais aussi politique, et ce dans le cadre des cours princières et/ou royales. Ils ont une place de premier plan dans la genèse et l'essor de l'Etat monarchique et la construction de l'armée royale et princière. / The study focuses on a social group, the warlords, its borders and its actions in the Maine and its surroundings during the Hundred Years War.It raises questions about the relationships between these characters to kings and princes when they perform acts of military, judicial and policies in a legal framework but also the illegal acts. It raises the question of the relevance of the choice made concerning its geographical basis that placed in the heart tensions that hit western Maine county and its surroundings that suffered from the passage of Foreign companies and end up being largely occupied by the EngIish. The group mainly includes English (Scottish, Welsh...), the "Navarra" and French pulled at a given time between Armagnacs and Burgundians. The panel ranks, statutes and warlords titles are very different. One discerns two major stratas. The basis of recruitment is that of the small rural nobility or the bourgeoisie, while the highest shares are reserved for those high noble spheres which are the blood princes. These warlords have great local and regional importance but they also play in a more general way, a major role in the company's structure creating noble customs, ideology and habits integrating into related standards their group with a specific social, especially during tournaments with achieving recumbent, epitaphs and other forms of eschatological trace. These warlords are creating dynamic military and up ward social mobility stategies both at the heart of the military sphere but also policy, and as part of prince and / or royal courts. They have a prominent place in the genesis and development of the monarchical state and the construction of the royal and prince army.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angela Sanchez Leao.pdf: 4390500 bytes, checksum: 91180c2c1d6875afda12d43d1966f62d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-08 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A research on the issue of guardianship and freedom of the Indians in the second half of the century XVIII. The new regime intended to make the Indian chiefs allies of the Portuguese monarchy, incorporating them into the system. But this was not possible, alliances were only circumstantial. The villages turned into towns and places are "contact zones" where cultural exchanges and processes of ethnic and cultural mix occur. The Indian chiefs were subject living between two different worlds, they were the threshold of the frontier between these worlds, the filter through which the ideas of the Western Christian world passed. With the implementation of the Directory and the new laws of freedom of the Indians, the Indian chiefs felt threatened in their power by the presence the directors. According to the project Mendonça Furtado towns and places become spaces of confinement, where there should be strict control of manpower and production. However, this system eventually become fragile allowing great mobility for the Indians who constantly moved to work in the king's works, such as the construction of fortresses or expeditions in delimiting boundaries. In the Inspections made in the villages and places there were many Indians absent for reasons of escape and / or desertion, or by being in the service of the crown and often not reached the number of persons determined by the Directory to the villages that were 150 "souls". The same proportion as the slave raids intensified, also intensified the trails and formation of mocabos. Although the directory has not served its purpose expiring in Kingdom of Queen Mary I, its model has influenced Indian policy until the early twentieth century, in the Amazon and in Brazil as a whole / Uma pesquisa sobre a questão da tutela e da liberdade dos índios na segunda metade do séc. XVIII. O novo regime pretendia fazer dos Principais aliados da coroa portuguesa, incorporando-os ao sistema. Porém isto não foi possível, as alianças eram apenas circunstanciais. As aldeias transformadas em vilas e lugares são zonas de contato onde ocorrem as trocas culturais e processos de miscigenação étnica e cultural. Os principais eram sujeitos que viviam entre dois mundos diversos, eles eram o limiar da fronteira entre estes mundos, o filtro por onde passavam as idéias do mundo cristão ocidental. Com a implantação do Diretório e as novas leis de liberdade dos índios, os principais se sentiram ameaçados em seu poder pela presença dos diretores. De acordo com o projeto de Mendonça Furtado as vilas e lugares se tornariam espaços de confinamento, onde deveria haver um controle rígido da mão-de-obra e produção. Porém, este sistema acabou por se tornar frágil, possibilitando uma grande mobilidade para os índios que constantemente se deslocavam para trabalhar nas obras do rei, como por exemplo, na construção de fortalezas ou nas expedições demarcadoras de limites. Nas correições feitas às vilas e lugares havia grande quantidade de índios ausentes por motivos de fuga e/ou deserção, ou por estarem a serviço da coroa e muitas vezes não se atigia o número de pessoas determinado pelo Diretório para as vilas que era de 150 almas . Na mesma proporção que se intensificavam os descimentos, também se intensificavam as fugas e formações de mocabos. Embora o Diretório não tenha cumprido os seus propósitos extinguindo-se no Reinado de D. Maria I, o seu modelo influenciou a política indigenista até o início do século XX, na Amazônia e no Brasil como um todo

This thesis examines the lives of Senior Chief Koinange wa Mbiyu and his eldest son, Peter Mbiyu Koinange. It joins with the growing rise of biographical work within African Studies. It challenges the historical understanding of late colonial rule in Kenya and the role of official myth in pre- and post-independence historical narratives. Koinange wa Mbiyu was the patriarch of one of the most respected, wealthy, and politically influential Kikuyu families of Kenya's colonial and post-colonial period. His eldest son, Peter Mbiyu, received a prestigious education abroad and returned to Kenya where he became a prominent leader for African independent education African political action. Koinange and Peter bear frequent mention in academic discussions of collaboration, discontent, nationalism, and militancy in Kenya's colonial era. This thesis challenges the widely held narrative that Koinange and Peter embraced militant politics opposing colonial rule during the 1940s. While fitting larger understandings of decolonisation, it is not an honest depiction of the Koinange's political actions. As a result, this thesis is intentionally a work of revisionist history that looks to the profound changes in the culture and nature of colinal rule during the 1940s, rather than a political shift in the Koinanges. In addition to challenging the prevalent understanding of Koinange and Peter's political action, this thesis raises a number of areas - gender, wealth, elite and family dynamics, to name a few - where the Koinange family history would further illuminate the historical understanding of the colonial era. This thesis is a dual biography, crafted as a work of narrative history. It challenges a breadth of current scholarship, utilizing the largest collection of pre-Mau Mau archival records to date. This thesis engages with a number of historiographical challenges related to biography, the individual, the family, and the challenges of oral history shaped in the crucible of cultural crisis.

This thesis deals with the role of the JOS as the principal military advisers of the executive and legislative branches of the U.S. government. It concentrates on the JSC’s perception of Soviet military and political intentions and capabilities in the postwar era and on the JCS’s military proposals regarding the external threat. The purpose of the thesis is to assess the JCS’s role substantively rather than to evaluate the relative role of the JCS as an agency amongst other key agencies dealing with foreign policy.

The dissertation analyses changes in the role of editors-in-chief in ten leading Norwegian and Swedish media houses – today owned by either Bonnier or Schibsted – in light of the potential tensions between journalistic ideals and market demands. This duality is studied over a period of 30 years, from 1985 to 2015. The most defining changes in the structural framework under which editors-in-chief work are the ongoing technological revolution, the transformation from an analogue into a digital society, and structural, economic changes related to this development. Methodologically, the study builds on data from qualitative in-depth interviews, mainly with 33 past and present editors-in-chief. It also contains a study of how the role of editors-in-chief has been reported and discussed in the magazines of two media branch organisations. The changing role of editors-in-chief is analysed within an institutional perspective. The main empirical results are as follows: (1) Owners and company management have considered the recruitment of editors-in-chief to be highly important throughout the period, and they have used their influence actively. Internal recruitment processes are a standard procedure. Very few of those chosen are women; men recruit other men. The last decade shows a recruitment process becoming more centralized and professionalized. (2) Most editors-in-chief represented in the study have a background in the newsroom. This has traditionally been the main qualification. (3) Regular meetings have structured most of the working hours for editors-in-chief. From an institutional perspective, meetings have played a norm-setting and ritualised role. During the last decade, some of those meetings have included not only journalists but also employees from other departments. (4) Those respondents who were active during the last period investigated perceive the increased speed of work on a daily basis and the more complex editorial role as the main changes and challenges. (5) Many of the respondents are so-called ‘silent’ editors. Due to a lack of time, they do not write much in their own papers. Lately, this has changed to some extent, especially among Swedish editors. This finding is one of the major differences between Norwegian and Swedish editors-in-chief. (6) Editors are still responsible for journalistic content, but demands on the part of commercial management have gradually become more important, and strategic decisions have become more centralized. The metaphor about the need to balance the demands of the ‘Marketplace and Cathedral’ has been replaced by the metaphor ‘We are all in the same boat’. The journalistic institution is under pressure. (7) Despite the immense technological and economic changes in the business and in the structural framework, there is also stability in the role due to the robust nature of journalism as an institution. The role of editor-in-chief is complex, and during the last 30 years, it has become even more so. The structural conditions have affected the role in various ways. While the basic tasks of editors-in-chief remain rooted in editorial work, downsizing and market demands have simultaneously undermined the autonomy and power of editors-in-chief, especially in relation to central media group management.

This study explores the representation of women in leadership positions in Metropolitan Police Departments (MPDs). Historically, the police career was male dominated and women were not allowed to work in the police. Democracy, changes in law, and societal beliefs opened policing as a career to women. Various legal frameworks provide for gender equality, therefore equal gender representation in the workplace is a developmental goal in South Africa. The Commission on Employment Equity (CEE, 2015) of South Africa reported that women comprised 44.8% of the economically active population, yet males were still in charge of senior management positions in South African companies. The 2015 South African Employment Equity Report indicates that women hold only 29.5% of top level management positions and 30.7% of senior management positions (CEE, 2015). These results are lower than the government’s mandated target of 44.4% management positions reserved for women. The MPDs (2017) indicated that, out of a sample of 600 women, 91 are in leadership positions. The current gender representation in MPDs’ leadership positions forms this study’s problem statement. This study is qualitative in nature. Twenty-five South African women from the Gauteng Province from Ekurhuleni, Tshwane, and Johannesburg MPDs were interviewed. The transformative approach was used to inquire on participants’ experiences and views about gender representation, as well as women’s advancement to leadership positions in the MPDs. Data were analysed using Atlas.ti™. The results showed that culture, stereotypes, and physical fitness were perceived as barriers that hindered the representation of women in leadership positions. Furthermore, sexual and verbal harassment, bullying, discrimination against female officers at the workplace, and unimplemented policies and procedures were also hindrances. The participants recommended that the South African MPDs review human resource practices and policies to promote a positive and constructive work environment for all employees. / Police Practice / D. Litt. et Phil. (Police Science)

"As already mentioned, gauranteeing the right to a fair trial aims at protecting individuals from unlawful and arbitrary curtailment or deprivation of other basic rights and freedoms. The fundamental importance of the right to a fair trial is illustrated not only by international instruments and the extensive body of interpretation it has generated, but most recently, by a proposal to include it in the non-derogable rights stipulated in article 4(2) of the ICCPR. Standards for a fair trial may stem from binding obligations that are included in human rights treaties to which a state in examination is a party, but they may also be found in documents and practices which, though not binding, can be taken to express the direction in which the law is evolving. One of the problems is that law and human rights have been viewed largely as Western concepts, and are therefore defined and valued by Western criteria. This leads to a number of difficulties. First, there are many non-Western societies in which law and human rights thus defined, is impractical and mechanisms of protecting human rights in non-Western justice systems are not recognised as comparable counterparts to those in Western societies. Secondly, African states have failed to abide by their international fair trial obligations because, probably, these standards are impractical given the realities like poverty, illiteracy and strong cultural beliefs that characterise most African communities. As a result, the law applied by the Western style courts is felt to be so out of touch with the needs of most African communities, and coercion to resort to them amounts to denial of justice. This explains why communities, especially in the rural Africa, resort to indigenous African justice systems irrespective of state recognition or otherwise. Upon realisation that the Western style of justice did not respond to the prevailing post-genocide situation for example, the government of Rwanda re-established traditional courts to help deal with the crime of genocide and foster reconciliation. A Gacaca court is constituted of a panel of lay judges who coordinate a process in which genocide survivors and suspected perpetrators and the latter between themselves confront each other. They, and the community, participate by telling the truth of what happened; who did what during the genocide, and then the judges, based on the evidence given to them, decide on the case. These judges are elected by their respective communities for their integrity, not their learning. However, human rights organisations argue that Gacaca proceedings violate the accused persons's fair trial rights. They question among other things capacity of lay judges who make decisions in these courts, to conduct a fair trial. They also contend that Gacaca does not guarantee the right to be presumed innocent because it requires confessoins and that defendants are denied legal representation. In South Africa, traditional courts (konwn as chiefs' courts) exist. They have played a crucial role in dispensing justice in the indigenous communities and are prototypes of the kind of dispute resolution mechanisms desirable in a modern society. They apply 'people's law', which developed as a result of lack of legitimacy of the Western system of justice among the indigenous South Africans. However, critics see them as conservative and unable to render justice in the modern social, economic and political climate in South Africa today. As a result, Western style court proceedings that are conducted in foreign languages to indigenous communities, and thus have to rely on inaccurate and unreliable interpreters in addition to costs for legal counsels and subjection to very technical and formal procedures, are the only alternative in criminal matters. Briefly, the major problem is to ascertain whether indigenous African criminal justice systems do, or otherwise conform to fair trial standards. If they do not, according to who are they not fair? In other words, is there a universal measure of fairness or does appreciation depend on people's enviornment and their socio-economic backgrounds, in which case, the beneficiaries of indigenous African criminal justice systems should be the ones to appreciate its fairness?" -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii Ashie Kotey at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Chiefs in Malawi have traditionally been part of the government machinery since colonial days and continue to play a crucial role in development administration even more so in decentralized structures. They are able upon to mobilize communities in rural areas to initiate and implement community development projects with minimal supervision. Malawi Social Action Fund 1 (MASAF 1) project management approach, which centered on community ownership of projects and registered enormous successes, is a case in proof of this. However, distribution of power and roles between chiefs and local government authorities in view of decentralization demand more research and policy debate if chiefs are to be effectively utilized and for the decentralization process to work effectively. Whilst the local authorities derive their power from the control of 5% of revenue collected in the districts, which they are allocated, chiefs derive theirs from the legitimacy they have over their subjects for being in constant touch with the community. / Development Studies / M.A. Social Science (Development Studies)