Magister Commercii - MCom / This research analyses the influence of chieftaincy in party political processes in African states. In this regard, the study employs a case study design in investigating how chieftaincy shapes leadership succession dynamics within the South West African People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in Namibia and the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) in Botswana

The study is a survey research with a focus on the perceptions of the two conflicting parties in the Dagbon chieftaincy conflict in Ghana; the Abudu, and the Andani royal families on the use of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) to resolve and transform the Dagbon chieftaincy conflict in Ghana. The conflict is over the rightful heir to the Yendi throne (skin) and it has persisted for more than five decades in Ghana’s post-independence history. All attempts to amicably resolve and transform the conflict through government established committees and commissions of inquiry, rulings by the law courts, and interventions by state and non-state institutions and actors have failed to yield any positive results. An alternative conflict settlement approach is therefore required to resolve and transform the conflict. ADR which is an approach employed by two or more parties in the settlement of conflicts and disputes other than the judicial court system is perceived to be an option. Historically, the traditional practice of ADR dates back to the pre-colonial era in Africa including Ghana. However, Ghana formally introduced ADR by promulgating the ADR Act (Act 798) in 2010. Three significant theories, namely; ripeness theory, Hobbes’ inherency theory and the group identity theory have been used to explain the study. Existing literature has been systematically reviewed. Primary data was gathered with a questionnaire. The data was then scientifically examined, analyzed, and interpreted. The findings are that respondents are very much aware of the existence of the conflict and its effects. The general perception is that, the ADR method when employed could result in an amicable resolution and transformation of the Dagbon conflict in Ghana. The research contributes to emerging literature on the relevance of Alternative Dispute Resolution and its success in the resolution of conflicts and disputes.

Liberal peacebuilding, the means by which transition societies can be reconfigured and reconstructed to bring about lasting peace, focussed on chieftaincy reform and decentralization as part of the peacebuilding package in Sierra Leone. The main focus of this research is to explore the efficacy of these structures as durable peacebuilding mechanisms in a transition society like Sierra Leone. The core argument is that liberal peacebuilding based on the reform of chieftaincy and decentralisation has failed to deliver effective peacebuilding mechanisms in Sierra Leone. Chieftaincy reform should have taken into consideration the specific context of the nature of chieftaincy in the country which in most cases transcends issues of leadership to one of collective identity. The decentralisation process is also fraught with a host of problems ranging from tension between the councils and the chiefs on the one hand, to the unwillingness on the part of central government to cede some of its powers to the local government. The control of central government over the councils and the decentralisation process is still very visible. The relevance of this research is that it enhances our understanding of key debates and policy intervention practices on post-war peacebuilding and state reconstruction in transition societies. It also contributes to the existing literature on post-conflict peacebuilding by positing that there is a huge challenge to the Liberal Peace paradigm in bringing about peace in war-torn societies. / Commonwealth Commission

The main aim of the study was to investigate how the Vhavenḓa royal kingdom’s communicative functions and positions of royalty and settlement pattern were disempowered by the British colonists, the apartheid government, the Homeland system and the new democratic government which came into power in 1994. The arrival of the British colonists disempowered the Vhavenḓa Kingdom by reducing the title of the King to that of a mere chief. This was, among others, a leading cause for the fall and the end of the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. The Apartheid regime (1949-1994) also had a negative impact on the Vhavenda royal kingdom as the regime put a large number of people who were not of the royal families into chieftainship. This resulted in chieftaincy becoming an appointment rather than a birth right. The Homeland system, a creation of Apartheid, also caused confusion and disagreements among the Vhavenḓa. Some of those who were born of royal descent were removed from chieftainship positions and more educated Vhavenḓa citizens who were just mere commoners were put in those positions. The new democratic government (1994) tried to bring back the chieftaincy titles that were taken by former governments but this was complicated by the appointment of ward representatives, councilors and civic organisations. The democratic government split areas into wards, and, as a result, the system failed to work in unison with the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. Chiefs were reduced to ceremonial monarchs, and decision-making powers were the preserve of the politicians, and not the chiefs. This study utilized the theory of Ethnopragmatics. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were employed to collect data. Data were collected from the youth, royals, non-royal adults and chiefs by means of questionnaires and interviews. Data were then transcribed by the researcher and the coding system was used to analyse it. Coding methods used included open, axial and selective coding methods. Data were viii then presented, discussed and conclusions drawn. Results revealed that chiefs and their subjects have many concerns. Recommendations were also made to address the concerns raised by participants. / Anthropology and Archaeology

The main aim of the study was to investigate how the Vhavenḓa royal kingdom’s communicative functions and positions of royalty and settlement pattern were disempowered by the British colonists, the apartheid government, the Homeland system and the new democratic government which came into power in 1994. The arrival of the British colonists disempowered the Vhavenḓa Kingdom by reducing the title of the King to that of a mere chief. This was, among others, a leading cause for the fall and the end of the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. The Apartheid regime (1949-1994) also had a negative impact on the Vhavenda royal kingdom as the regime put a large number of people who were not of the royal families into chieftainship. This resulted in chieftaincy becoming an appointment rather than a birth right. The Homeland system, a creation of Apartheid, also caused confusion and disagreements among the Vhavenḓa. Some of those who were born of royal descent were removed from chieftainship positions and more educated Vhavenḓa citizens who were just mere commoners were put in those positions. The new democratic government (1994) tried to bring back the chieftaincy titles that were taken by former governments but this was complicated by the appointment of ward representatives, councilors and civic organisations. The democratic government split areas into wards, and, as a result, the system failed to work in unison with the Vhavenḓa Kingdom. Chiefs were reduced to ceremonial monarchs, and decision-making powers were the preserve of the politicians, and not the chiefs. This study utilized the theory of Ethnopragmatics. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were employed to collect data. Data were collected from the youth, royals, non-royal adults and chiefs by means of questionnaires and interviews. Data were then transcribed by the researcher and the coding system was used to analyse it. Coding methods used included open, axial and selective coding methods. Data were viii then presented, discussed and conclusions drawn. Results revealed that chiefs and their subjects have many concerns. Recommendations were also made to address the concerns raised by participants. / Anthropology and Archaeology

Face à l'organisation traditionnelle des différentes sociétés Africaines, les processus de décentralisation en Afrique empruntent différents schémas contrairement aux processus observés dans les États modèles comme la France. Cette situation soulève des ambiguïtés juridiques lorsqu’il s’agit d’analyser les principes encadrant la décentralisation dans le contexte des jeunes Etats d'Afrique. La chefferie traditionnelle, qui s'avère être la seule organisation administrative territoriale Africaine originairement connue, fait l'objet d'une appréhension diversifiée. Passant d'une existence niée à un statut juridique quasi-accepté, cette institution reste, malgré tout, l'un des symboles identitaires des sociétés Africaines. Plutôt que de remettre en cause les modes d'organisation traditionnels des sociétés Africaines, ces derniers peuvent constituer un atout pour la décentralisation. Cette thèse, au-delà d’un bilan sur les processus de décentralisation en Afrique, se veut aussi prospective en offrant une mise à jour des institutions locales en Afrique subsaharienne dans le cadre des réformes territoriales entreprises ces dernières années. / Face of the traditional organization in Africa, you have different processes of decentralization which are not the same like in Europe. This situation makes some difficulties when we want to analyze the principles of the decentralization for the young States in Africa. The traditional chieftainship is the only African territorial administration originally known, which the object of diversified apprehension is. Even thought we have now an occidental system, our societies still depend on the traditional system present in Africa. But we don’t want to change the system of the decentralization, because they can help our country to achieve their goal. Face of this situation, the major issue of my PHD is to propose the reorganization of the local institutions, which can lead to change the territorial reform.

Magister Legum - LLM / Land allocation and administration is a crucial role for traditional leaders, because it has remained one of the few de facto powers and sources of influence still available to them in their areas of jurisdictions.1 This role has been played by traditional leaders from time immemorial. Furthermore, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa recognises the existence of traditional leaders.2 Moreover, the Constitution seeks to integrate the institution of traditional leadership by expecting national legislation to be put in place so that the roles of traditional leaders are known in society.3 However, roles with regard to the allocation and administration of land by traditional leaders have not been promulgated in legislation. Therefore, this research will look at the issues of land allocation and administration by traditional leadership in the democratic dispensation.

At present, in Adansi and Daboase, two rural communities in Western Ghana, changes are both internally and externally driven. Combined with ongoing negotiations of authority, landownership, history, tradition and culture, the interconnectedness of these areas shapes the realities of these communities. This thesis investigates these land-related conflicts and authority negotiations from a hermeneutic phenomenological approach. Inspired by action-oriented research, the lives of local residents are investigated and attempted to be understood through their own explanations.  Four months of internship with an oil palm and rubber plantation company, focus groups and semi-structured interviews in two local communities to the plantation, lay the foundation of this thesis. It shows an intimate connection between landownership and resource rights, and history, heritage and traditional authority.Land is key to power or a secured future for one’s family, which makes it an inflamed topic. Landownership and the underlying negotiations are crucial to the understanding of what occupies many local residents in a setting of globalised markets. The thesis points to gaps of understanding and varying interests in-between government, external actors, chieftaincy and community members. Thorough consultation process procedures prior to projects in rural communities are proposed. The project adds to a larger discussion on sustainability, corporate social responsibility, local knowledge and experiences on land conflicts, and post-colonial settings in Ghana.

The central argument that underpins this thesis is that the Bataung, Bafokeng and the Bakuena lineages are found across all the Basotho groups of Basotho (Southern Sotho), Batswana and Bapedi. The thesis concerns itself with the similarity of the Sotho groups, a topic that has seldom received a sustained scholarly attention. Scholars have devoted much attention in discussing Sotho groups of Batswana, Basotho (Southern Sotho) and Bapedi, but their concern has mostly been to describe one group at the time discussing their cultural, social and political dimensions.The thesis aim investigates the oneness of Sotho by discussing the cultural, social and political similarities of the Batswana, Basotho (Southern Sotho) and Bapedi. The thesis drew on a range of semi-structured interviews with academics, senior people with knowledge of Sotho culture and literature to crystallise the information from the narrative analysis of documents, media and secondary literature. The thesis maintains that Basotho (Southern Sotho), Batswana and Bapedi are similar people. Their cultural dimension shows they have similar languages that share the same collection of words (langue) that indicates the same same origin. They also share the name ‘Basotho’ ~ Abeshundu that emanates from their similar way of dressing. The Sotho groups’ social dimension shows that they have similar practices of birth, raising children, lebollo (initiation school) and handling of death. They share similar games, folktales and taboos that reflect the aforementioned four cycles of human experiences in similar narratives across the groups. The thesis finds that Sotho groups have similar way of governance. They come together in the hierarchy of similar clans (e.g. Bafokeng, Bataung and Bakuena), chiefdoms and a group. These subdivisions in a group help with the allocation of resources for each individual and maintaining status quo in governance. The Sotho groups have similar proverbs and idioms to counsel proper leadership. The thesis discusses Sotho groups together as they come from the same origin although they have gone their separate ways. The thesis uses Gellner and Smith theories of ethnicity to explain the similarity of the Sothogroups. Gellner’s view is that one chooses to belong to a particular culture and associates oneself with people who practice this culture. Ethnicity is socially constructed due to experiences and people’s circumstances. Smith complements the description of the Sotho in forming different groups by saying that in these groups, there are memories of shared historical past. There is a continuum of the original culture where the groups have resemblance in their ways of life and symbolical elements, although adapted to their new environments and time. The variations of the groups’s practices are not their differences but they are changes caused by a quest to adapt to the new environment. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)