This thesis addresses the moral permissibility of illegal acts of animal liberation in the form of civil disobedience, acts of rescue, and acts of sabotage. Animal liberation movements have been the subject of much media and political attention, with particular focus on use liberationist strategies of intimidation, vandalism, and harassment. Governments have mobilised state apparatus in surveillance, infiltration, and investigation, and have characterising radical activism as 'terrorism'. The variety of illegal activities aimed at preventing harm to non-human animals, particularly those involving violence towards property or persons, have often been classified together under the term 'animal liberation' and assumed to be wrong. I argue that the assumption of wrongness is questionable because it fails to give significant weight to the justification for acts of animal liberation. I pose the question as to whether and what illegal practices of animal liberation are ethically justifiable. I begin by arguing that non-human animals are worthy of moral consideration for their own sake, because their sentience above a basic level, particularly their capacity to suffer, gives moral agents reasons to acknowledge and respect their goods. Following this, I defend the claim that liberal democratic states that fail to treat animals living within them with respect are unjust. This injustice provides a justification for civil disobedience on behalf of non-human animals. Following this, I argue that beings worthy of moral consideration are owed positive duties of aid and easy rescue and I extend third-party intervention theory to non-human animals under threat from humans. I explore the limits to the duties of aid and intervention, using principles drawn from those of humanitarian intervention to identify duty bearers, and I weigh those duties against duties to fellow citizens and the state.

Resumo: A Internet propiciou a formação de uma rede descentralizada de informações nunca antes encontrada em nossa sociedade. Baseando-se na digitalização dos produtos culturais, a arquitetura da rede permitiu uma ampla distribuição de informações de maneira fácil e relativamente barata, favorecendo uma distribuição cultural de novo tipo, baseada na facilidade de apropriação, de compartilhamento e de produção de réplicas idênticas ao original. Contudo, essa prática tão comum da cibercultura freqüentemente desconsidera as leis de proteção dos direitos autorais, pois estimula uma livre circulação de informações em detrimento da proteção dos interesses autorais e mercadológicos de distribuição. A Internet inaugura ainda novos movimentos sociais, pautados pela construção comum de licenças autorais atualizadas e de práticas políticas de Desobediência Civil nesse novo terreno de disputa. Portanto, objetivamos neste trabalho investigar as formas de distribuição de informação no arcabouço tecnoinformacional e as suas relações com as estruturas jurídicas das leis proteção autoral e com as velhas e novas formas de acumulação. / Abstract: The Internet made possible the beginning of a unique decentralized network of information in our society. Relied on the digitalization of cultural products, the net's framing allowed a biggest sharing of information in a easier and cheaper way, supporting a cultural distribution of a new kind, based on the facilities of appropriation, sharing and production of identical copies from the original one. However, this ciberculture common practice frequently disrespect the copyright laws, because it encourage a free circulation of information in detriment of the authors and merchandising interests protection. The Internet still made possible the emerging of new social movements, ruled by common construction of actualized author's licenses and by political actions of Civil Disobedience within this new space of conflict. Thus, our objective in this work is investigate the new paths of information sharing ways in the techno-informational structure and its relations with the juridical framing of the copyright and with the new and old ways of accumulation. / Orientador: Mauro de Mello Leonel Júnior / Coorientador: Aloísio Shumacher / Banca: Francisco Luiz Corsi / Banca: Pablo Ortelado / Mestre

Magistro darbe analizuojama pilietinio ugdymo/nepaklusnumo procesų ir formų raiška besiformuojančioje pilietinėje visuomenėje. Tyrimu siekiama pagrįsti pilietinio nepaklusnumo paradigmą valstybių kovų už nepriklausomybę kontekste, įvertinti jų sąsajas su socioedukaciniais ppilietinės visuomenėskūrimo procesais bei prognozuoti galimas pilietinio nepaklusnumo tendencijas naujų globalinių rizikų fone. Darbe teigiama, kad naujajame pasaulio ekonominės, politinės ir socialinės raidos etape vykstantys neprievartinio pobūdžio konfliktai yra strateginė demokratinės visuomenės bendrųjų vertybių ir interesų gynybos išraiška. Kartu daroma išvada, kad globalizacijos sąlygomis, pakituspasaulio politinei architektūrai visuotinis politinis nepaklusnumas, siejamas su pilietinių laisvių išsaugojimu yra ypatingai aktualus. Socialinės edukacijos požiūriu šiandieninė neprievartinio strateginio konflikto kaip tyrimo objekto analizė galima tik kaip bendra integralių vadybos, politikos ir ekonomikos, psichologijos ir socialinės komunikacijos kompetencijų raiška. / The aim of the study is the justification of civil disobedience in order to summarize a paradigm of unique historical and current experience of civil disobedience in the world; the struggle for independence in the context of the assessment of their linkages with civil society socioeducational processes and to predict possible trends in civil disobedience to the new global risks in the background. In the new world of economic, political and social development, the natures of nonviolent conflicts within a democratic society are the strategic values and common interests in terms of defense. On the other hand, on the Euro-Atlantic integration condition of the general civil disobedience is linked to the preservation of civil liberties is particularly relevant, and remains a universal response to any threats. In this context of state socioeducational priorities education/disobedience expands civil society and democratic formation opportunities, creates secure not only internal but also external risk management in emergency situations. The method of experts’ survey was used to analyze the problem approaches for comparison, to generate ideas and socioeducational dimension modeling. The expert questionnaire was used to clarify problem areas and practical recommendations. The structured summary of expert responses was created. In conclusion, a social communication helps to build civic networks, also helps citizen to access qualified information while at the same time promotes their... [to full text]

This essay investigates whether Amartya Sen’s or Martha Nussbaum’s version of the capability approach is better suited to justify civil disobedience. The theoretical framework of my study is critical discourse analysis. This aims to establish the most significant conditions for the justification of civil disobedience. An interpretation of the conception of civil disobedience is presented. The investigation assumes that civil disobedience is justified when people advocate for a change in a policy or a law that limits the securing of basic capabilities. A major part of the essay is devoted to clarifying how the idea of basic capabilities relates to civil disobedience. I also emphasize the importance of human dignity as a universal value. I argue that this value is crucial to realizing why some capabilities are more basic than others. I show that Nussbaum is in a better position than Sen to explain when civil disobedience can be justified. This is because Sen lacks a framework of basic capabilities leaving it up to each nation to assess which capabilities ought to be secured.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-10-03Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:57:13Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 cruz_lr_me_mar.pdf: 1278685 bytes, checksum: 8afdc5f67f56b2ec7ff79b5b3f382e71 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A Internet propiciou a formação de uma rede descentralizada de informações nunca antes encontrada em nossa sociedade. Baseando-se na digitalização dos produtos culturais, a arquitetura da rede permitiu uma ampla distribuição de informações de maneira fácil e relativamente barata, favorecendo uma distribuição cultural de novo tipo, baseada na facilidade de apropriação, de compartilhamento e de produção de réplicas idênticas ao original. Contudo, essa prática tão comum da cibercultura freqüentemente desconsidera as leis de proteção dos direitos autorais, pois estimula uma livre circulação de informações em detrimento da proteção dos interesses autorais e mercadológicos de distribuição. A Internet inaugura ainda novos movimentos sociais, pautados pela construção comum de licenças autorais atualizadas e de práticas políticas de Desobediência Civil nesse novo terreno de disputa. Portanto, objetivamos neste trabalho investigar as formas de distribuição de informação no arcabouço tecnoinformacional e as suas relações com as estruturas jurídicas das leis proteção autoral e com as velhas e novas formas de acumulação. / The Internet made possible the beginning of a unique decentralized network of information in our society. Relied on the digitalization of cultural products, the net’s framing allowed a biggest sharing of information in a easier and cheaper way, supporting a cultural distribution of a new kind, based on the facilities of appropriation, sharing and production of identical copies from the original one. However, this ciberculture common practice frequently disrespect the copyright laws, because it encourage a free circulation of information in detriment of the authors and merchandising interests protection. The Internet still made possible the emerging of new social movements, ruled by common construction of actualized author’s licenses and by political actions of Civil Disobedience within this new space of conflict. Thus, our objective in this work is investigate the new paths of information sharing ways in the techno-informational structure and its relations with the juridical framing of the copyright and with the new and old ways of accumulation.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:11:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ArquivoTotalMaisa.pdf: 670994 bytes, checksum: 77b2783954211a552e0d4343dbd68256 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-01-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study aims to investigate the possibility of understanding civil disobedience as a political duty. For this, we analyze the works of the Italian political philosopher Alessandro Passerin d'Entrèves. From the author's conception of the State, we analyze the relations of command and obedience in the state s structure and establish another approach to the problem of obedience to the laws using d Entrèves concept of 'political obligation'. Analyzing studies from Passerin d'Entrèves, Norberto Bobbio and Hannah Arendt, specifically about the legitimacy of civil disobedience and resistance, we try to answer the question: Why should we disobey? To enable the approach described above, we explore some classic problems of political philosophy and law, such as the notion of authority, the conflict between the concepts of legality and legitimacy and the definition of the state as a monopoly of force. In this sense, this research addresses some conflicts between great streams of western thought, as positivism and natural law, political science and philosophy, among others. From d Entrèves notion of political obligation it is possible to understand civil desobedience as a duty, especially in the democratic experiences. / Esse trabalho se propõe a investigar a possibilidade de compreender a desobediência civil como um dever políticoa partir da análise das obras do filósofo do direito e da política italiano Alessandro Passerin d Entrèves. A partir da concepção de Estado do autor, analisamos as relações de comando e obediência na estrutura estatal e estabelecemos umaaproximação ao problema da obediência às leis através de seu conceito de obrigação política . Analisando especificamente estudos acerca da desobediência civil e da legitimidade da resistência de Passerin d Entrèves, Norberto Bobbio e Hannah Arendt, tentamos responder à pergunta: porquê desobedecer? Para possibilitar a abordagem acima descrita, exploramos alguns problemas clássicos da filosofia política e do direito, tais como a noção de autoridade, o conflito entre os conceitos de legalidade e legitimidade e a definição do Estado como monopólio da força legítima. Nesse sentido, essa pesquisa aborda alguns conflitos entre grandes correntes do pensamento ocidental, como jus naturalismo e jus positivismo, ciências políticas e filosofia, entre outros. A partir da noção de obrigação política de d Entrèves é possível interpretar a desobediência civil como dever, especialmente nas experiências democráticas.

This text is written as a masterexam within an important Art institution in Stockholm as Konstfack, where the researcher has been studying interior and furniture design for the last five years. Therefore, it is the result of the knowledge accumulated during that period of time, in combination with the socio-cultural baggage that characterizes her identity and positioning towards the world. There are many ways of defining architecture and design. Also, within the concept of architecture, there are plenty of branches. This study is, as said before, a sum of the interpretation of how to use the education in order to socially contribute to a sustainable and more egalitarian world. As the writers' background profoundly influences her point of view, it seems essential to exhibit it for the reader.  Her parents came to Sweden as political refugees from Chile and Argentina during the military dictatorships that had taken over the democratic governments in those countries during the '70s. They, as well as the researcher, are by definition, either Swedish or "white". Even as born in Sweden and having Swedish citizenship, the law does not define the writer as Swedish. This fact has featured the formation of her identity as "not white," and in that way excluded from the dominating "ethnicity". Initially, the aim of the study contextualises by the description of the experiences and knowledge that have guided the author through her education at Konstfack. As a result,  there arise perspectives that criticize excluding power structures and how they reproduce through architecture and spatial design. Experiences, reflections, and knowledge that emerged through the described education at Konstfack led further into the exploration of the concepts inclusive-excluding design, activism, social and political architecture, postcolonial perspectives, and decolonizing processes. The study's theoretical part presents various practitioners that have inspired and empowered this project. Further, a more in-depth analysis of the institution responsible for the writer's education for the last five years results in unfolding problems and issues to give the reader an understanding of the chosen strategies to follow, starting with "manipulating manipulation". The fifth chapter consists of the study's method part, where the researcher describes the methods and strategies used. The results are presented based on spatial interventions, used as a tool to activate dialogues about shared spaces, here called common spaces. The reactions caused by the interventions are also a ground for analysis. Keywords: white supremacy, subversive interventions, disruptive aesthetics, activism, civil disobedience, architecture

The main objective of this study is to analyse the concept of civil disobedience by providing an overview of its historical development; its objectives and strategies, and how this was applied in South Africa by the United Democratic Front in the 1980s. The sub-objectives were to determine if civil disobedience as a concept is going through, or has gone through any notable changes since its inception; to assess the extent to which United Democratic Front policies and strategies were in accordance with civil disobedience; and to briefly compare manifestations of civil disobedience in South Africa in the pre-1994 period, with some manifestations in the post-1994 period. The study included an assessment of the Defiance Campaign, analysing its impact and demise. It focused on the ANC strategy of mass action and assessed the role of the Pan African Congress. It outlined the formation of the UDF, assessing its vision, broad principles, organisation and objectives. Certain assumptions were assessed in the concluding chapters, namely that civil disobedience has developed into a broader concept than the original concept of passive resistance; that the policies and strategies of the United Democratic Front initially resembled some aspects of civil disobedience but eventually deviated from this due to a change in strategy; and that some contemporary manifestations of civil disobedience in South Africa resemble certain methods used in the 1980s, but the objectives differ. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / lk2014 / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

The following essay argues that Transnational Civil Disobedience may be justified when it is applied to questions relating to global climate change. Civil Disobedience as a politically motivated form of lawbreaking posits questions regarding political obligation and citizenship and such questions are amplified when applied to the transnational level.Furthermore, this essay focuses on the influential account of Civil Disobedience as it has been formulated by John Rawls. The writer argues that there are potential issues with this formulation when it is applied outside of the greater scope of Rawls’s work. Instead, the essay argues for a formulation of Civil Disobedience that includes a politicizing feature, and to view it as an extra institutional form of political discourse that is detached from notions of state belonging.Finally, it is argued that the All Affected Principle may be used as a necessary condition for justifying acts of Transnational Civil Disobedience. The nature of Global Climate change as an event that affects the human race as a whole, gives rise to the potential for non-citizens to claim a level of political agency in matters that affect them despite lacking formal representation.

In this paper, we determine whether illegal hunting should be construed as a crime of dissent. Using the Nordic countries as a case study where protest-driven, illegal hunting of protected wolves is on the rise, we reconsider the crime using principles of civil disobedience. We invoke the conditions of intentionality, nonevasion, dialogic effort, non-violence and appeal to parameters of reasonable disagreement about justice and situate the Nordic illegal hunting phenomenon at a nexus between conscientious objection, assisted disobedience and everyday resistance. This examination leads us to contend that the crime has heretofore received an inadequate response limited to punishment and deterrence. This contention finds support in the worsening predicaments of illegal hunting following harsh sanctions and stigmatization. Although hunters publicize injustices through their crimes, we find that killing wolves as a means to deliberative ends disqualifies hunters’ dissent as legitimate disobedience, creating an obligation of deliberative uptake on the part of society. Nonetheless, in a critical contribution to the field of criminal justice, we argue that it is instead the conditions of deliberative suboptimality experienced by hunters that create this obligation of uptake. Hence, in order to fulfill this obligation, we contend that the burden falls on regulatory agencies to better articulate the justifications for the policies that coerce hunters. We also advocate creating novel institutions to provide hunters with effective opportunities for contesting wildlife conservation directives.