O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender as mudanças históricas ocorridas durante o período de redemocratização do Brasil, por meio da avaliação da expansão das organizações-não-governamentais (ONGs) no país. A partir da década de 90, dada a consolidação da democracia, notou-se uma explosão de criação de organizações não governamentais e um refluxo ou desaparecimento dos movimentos sociais. Utilizando-se uma ONG inserida no campo democrático participativo como modelo destas instituições, verificou-se o que estes atores, relativamente novos no cenário político e social, construíram e representam hoje na atual sociedade brasileira. Utilizando-se de entrevistas como principal artifício metodológico, observou-se claramente que esta ONG reproduz em sua organização, a mesma lógica hierárquica e divisão de classes da sociedade na qual está inserida. Verificou-se também a relação da entidade com o partido dos trabalhadores. Destaca-se principalmente a maneira subjetiva e pessoal com a qual a relação ONG/sociedade é instituída. A pessoalidade é algo muito forte nessa relação, no entanto, se avaliarmos historicamente as relações que pautam nossas origens enquanto Estado, forjado desde seu nascimento nas relações de personalismo, de afetos e de favorecimentos, então a relação ONG/Partido/Movimento social torna-se plausível dentro deste contexto. A explosão de surgimento de ONGs no final do século XX, pode ser caracterizada segundo Guattari(1987) como uma revolução molecular e em terras tupiniquins transformam-se naquilo que Oliveira(2003) descreveu como o ornitorrrinco. As ONGs são importantes agentes de prestação de serviços, e estes serviços, por sua vez, são importantíssimos para a consolidação do sistema capitalista firmando-se como mercadoria. Estas são as contradições e as ambigüidades que formam o Estado que somos hoje. / The objective of this study is to understand the historical changes after the outcome of new democracy in Brazil, through an evaluation of non governmental organizations (ONGs). In the last twenty years, occurred an explosion in births of ONGs and a slow disappearing of political manifestations in the society. Taking one determined ONG as a model, we were able to see what these institutions had modified in our social and political environment. Using interview as our major method, we could observe that ONG´s organization obeys the same hierarchy logic of the brazilian society. We also investigated the relationship of this ONG and the actual government party. This work highlights the way this relationship is built and formed. It becomes very clear that the majority of relationships are made through a subjective criterion and actually, it is not a surprise in such a country that has the tradition of always take personal sides in its political context. The explosive appearing of ONGs at the end of XX century could be characterized as a molecular revolution agreed the author Guattari(1987) and is described as an ornitorrinco by the author Oliveira(2003) ONGs are now important agents to the solidification of capitalistic system. These ambiguities and contradictions are forming the political State that we have today in this country.

Essa dissertação analisa a atuação da classe política brasileira com relação à criação e implementação dos instrumentos de iniciativa legislativa popular no Brasil. O primeiro objeto de análise são as emendas populares no processo constituinte de 1986-1988 instrumento que permitia às entidades da sociedade civil apresentar emendas ao projeto de constituição que propunham mecanismos de participação popular direta extremamente efetivos: iniciativa popular de plebiscito, referendo, projetos de lei e de emendas à constituição. A constituição de 88 só aprovou a iniciativa popular e com restrições: somente para projetos de lei, e com requerimentos extremamente exigentes: 1% de assinaturas de eleitores (aproximadamente 1 milhão) em 5 estados diferentes. A explicação que essa dissertação busca fundamentar é que uma coalizão de centro, centro-direita e direita conseguiu barrar propostas mais progressistas de participação direta no legislativo. O objeto de estudo seguinte são os projetos de lei por iniciativa popular, foram apresentados somente 5 projetos desde a promulgação da carta de 1988 até hoje, 4 foram aprovados e se tornaram leis. Uma análise na tramitação desses projetos de lei mostra que, devido à estrutura verticalizada do legislativo e falhas na institucionalização do mecanismo de iniciativa popular de lei, houve necessidade do apoio ativo da coalizão majoritária do legislativo para os projetos serem aprovados. Por fim, o último objeto de análise são as sugestões legislativas da Comissão de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados (CLP-CD). As sugestões legislativas têm exigências extremamente simples: registro da entidade civil e ata da reunião comprovando a apresentação da sugestão. A CLP-CD também abriu um leque de opções legislativas às entidades da sociedade civil e permitindo sugestões de lei, requerimentos, indicações, emenda à constituição, ao orçamento e criação de CPIs. No entanto, um estudo comparativo com outras comissões permanentes, mostra que a CLP-CD é pouco prestigiada pelos parlamentares. Dessa forma, a principal hipótese dessa dissertação é que os políticos assumem uma posição ambígua em relação aos instrumentos de participação direta no legislativo: por um lado, criam 10 mecanismos de iniciativa legislativa popular, mas, por outro, dificultam o uso efetivo e sua implementação e hesitam em compartilhar efetivamente a tarefa da representação de interesses com a sociedade civil. / The aim of this work is to provide an analysis about the actions of Brazilian politicians towards the creation and implementation of mechanisms of popular legislative initiative. The first subject of study are the popular amendments (emendas populares) mechanism that allowed civil society to present amendments during the Brazilian Constitution-making process in 1986-1988. These popular amendments proposed broader mechanisms of direct democracy: popular initiative for plebiscite, referendum, constitutional change and law proposal. In the end of the process, the Brazilian 1988 Constitution approved only the popular legislative initiative, with extremely high requirements: it could be used only for law proposals and it should have signatures of 1% of total eligible voters in 5 different states. The hypothesis that this work seeks to prove is that a parliamentary coalition among centrist, rightist and,center-rightist deputies achieved its objective of nullifying the proposals for stronger mechanisms of direct democracy. The second subject are the law proposals from popular initiative that have been presented by civil society since 1988 till now. Since the promulgation of the Brazilian constitution in 1988, civil society associations and entities presented only 5 popular law proposals, of which 4 were approved. An analysis of the process of discussion and voting of these bills shows us that, despite being presented by civil society, all those bills had to struggle to obtain the majority coalition in the parliament to be approved. This can be explained by the fact that the Brazilian legislative process is verticalized and that regulation of the popular initiative mechanisms is still incomplete. Finally, the legislative suggestions of the CLP-CD (Chamber of Deputies Committee for Participatory Legislation) are the last subject of study. To propose a legislative suggestion, civil society organizations and associations must meet some simple requirements: show its civil registry and also a draft proving that the legislative suggestion was discussed in one of its regular meetings. The legislative participatory committee also opened a wider range of legislative options for the civil society. Not only bill proposals can be presented at the committee but also proposals for motions requesting (requerimentos), indications 12 (indicações), constitutional amendments, budgetary amendments, and the creation of Parliamentary Inquiry Committees (Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito). However, if we compare the inner dynamics of the CLP-CD with other Chambers permanent committees we see that the CLP-CD has little prestige between the Brazilian deputies. Therefore, the main hypothesis of this dissertation is that the Brazilian politicians have a rather ambiguous view towards the direct legislative mechanisms. In one side, they create popular legislative initiative mechanisms, but, on the other side, they create obstacles for civil society to effectively use those mechanisms and also hesitate to share the role of representing interests and demands with associations and organizations of the civil society.

Esta dissertação consiste de um estudo da Filosofia do Direito de Hegel tomando como fio condutor o modo como se apresenta, no interior dessa obra, as relações de reconhecimento recíproco travadas sob o signo da exclusão e/ou limitação recíprocas, ou seja, sob o signo da intersubjetividade negativa. Procurou-se explorar os nichos onde tais formas de intersubjetividade aparecem, sucessiva e respectivamente, no Contrato (Vertrag) entre pessoas jurídicas, na Ação (Handlung) encetada a partir do ponto de vista moral e, por fim, no caso da Sociedade Civil (bürgerliche Gesellschaft), no sentido de mostrar como esses nichos de intersubjetividade negativa se reportam, cada um por sua vez, a um modelo de relações de reconhecimento recíproco positivo ou inclusivo capaz de fazer frente às forças disruptivas liberadas por aquele. O caso da sociedade civil se torna exemplar na exploração dessa contraposição entre dois modelos de intersubjetividade ao se apresentar como um conceito que procura não reduzir todo o âmbito da sociedade à esfera do sistema de carecimentos (System der Bedürfnie), por conseguinte, à uma intersubjetividade negativa/excludente, mas contrapor a esta, no interior mesmo da sociedade civil, uma esfera de intersubjetividade positiva conceituada por Hegel sob a rubrica das corporações (Korporationen) capaz de recompor as relações éticas e fazer a passagem para a esfera do Estado. / This work consists of a study in Hegel\'s Philosophy of Right taking as guide line the concept of \"negative intersubjectivity\", that is, the relations of recognition based on mutual limitation or reciprocal exclusion. We sought to explore that concept, respectively, in the shape of the Contract (Vertrag), of the Action (Handlung) based on the \"moral point of view\", and in the philosophical arrangement imposed by Hegel to his concept of Civil Society (bürgerlich Gesellschaft). The aim was to show that \"negative intersubjectivity\" is always reporting itself towards a \"positive\" one, which in turn can counter the disruptive energies liberated by the first one. In this regard, Hegel\'s concept of civil society (bürgerlich Gesellschaft) is strategic: rather than reduces it to the \"system of needs\" (System der Bedürfnie), that is, reduces it exclusively to negative relations of recognition, Hegel ascribed to the corporations (Korporationen) the role of containg the disruptive forces which the market spreads, and to recompose the ethical relations wich enables the transition to Estate.

Esta dissertação enfoca a demanda por novas habilidades e competências requeridas aos regentes de corais infantis de projetos sociais, a partir de pesquisa realizada junto a profissionais que atuam nesse segmento, com recorte na cidade de São Paulo. Tais competências diferenciam-se conforme demandado pelos atores sociais que estabelecem e financiam os corais. O perfil de um regente de coro infantil de um projeto social já se distancia das demais modalidades de coro devido às características particulares das crianças e às especificidades do contexto em que ele deve atuar. Esses fatores aumentam a gama de competências exigidas desse profissional. A partir da análise sócio-histórica da configuração da atividade de canto coral infantil no Brasil em três momentos determinados: o coro infantil do Período Colonial, regido pelo mestre-de-capela, o coro de crianças do Canto Orfeônico, regido pelo professor na época da República Velha e o coro infantil contemporâneo, no período da Nova República, surgido do esforço da Sociedade Civil, através de projetos sociais de Organizações Não-Governamentais, que demanda um novo tipo de regente, far-se-á a contextualização de conceitos como Palco Global, ator social, Sociedade Civil, Terceiro Setor e competências. Esta pesquisa se propõe a refletir sobre essas novas demandas que moldarão o perfil desse novo profissional regente de canto coral infantil. / This works aims at focusing the new skills and competencies demanded for children\'s choir conductors in social projects. It was based on a research developed in São Paulo with professionals of this area. Such skills and competencies vary according to the social actors who support the choirs. The profile of a social project children\'s choir conductor has proved to be different from other chorus modalities due to the peculiarity of its children features and the specific context in which the conductor must act. These factors increase the range of skills required for this job. It was analysed the socio-historical arise of children\'s choir in Brazil in three specific periods: The children\'s choir of the Colonial Period, ran by mestre-de-capela; the children\'s choir of Canto Orfeônico, conducted by teachers at República Velha time and the contemporary children\'s choir, from Nova República, considered a civil society action implemented in social projects of Nongovernmental Organizations, which consequently order a different performance of this professional. Then, it will be contextualized the emerging concepts of \"Global Stage\", \"social actor\", \"Civil Society\", \"Third Sector\" and \"competencies\" in order to reflect on those current demands which are shaping the profile of this new professional childrens choir conductor.

The negotiations of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) triggered an unprecedented level of protests in the European Union (EU) in several member states. However, it was unclear whether the contestation of TTIP led to the Europeanisation of the national public spheres (Risse, 2010), given the general national fragmentation of the political debate in Europe (Koopmans and Statham, 2010a). This thesis analyses the debate and politicisation of TTIP in the Spanish, French and British media, and aims to answer two research questions. First, how and to what extent were national media discourses about TTIP Europeanised? Second, how does this type of Europeanisation of public spheres contribute to the democratic legitimacy of the EU? In order to answer the two research questions, an interdisciplinary theoretical framework has been put forward. Departing from the literature on the European public sphere (Koopmans & Erbe, 2004; Fossum & Schlesinger, 2007; Eriksen, 2005; Trenz, 2009) and the importance of analysing the Europeanisation of public spheres at the national level (Risse, 2010), the thesis argues that the literature often overlooks the role of conflict in the understanding of the public sphere. The gap in the literature has been addressed through a hybrid conceptualisation of the public sphere, combining a typically Habermasian deliberative approach with Chantal Mouffe’s ‘agonistics’. Empirically, the thesis undertakes a framing analysis of two different data sets through both qualitative and quantitative methods. The first data set is composed of press releases of a diverse group of EU-level political actors, in order to see what is the preferred framing of TTIP by different actors. The second is composed of the written articles dedicated to the TTIP negotiations in nine national news outlets (three from each selected country) in France, Spain and the UK, from the public announcement of the negotiations (February 2013) until the negotiations were officially frozen (November 2016). The actors’ discourse has been developed as a frame-mapping exercise undertaken inductively, identifying how different actors made sense of TTIP and put forward a number of competing frames. The findings of the empirical analysis of actors’ press releases indicate the attempt to strategically politicise or depoliticise the discussions around the TTIP negotiations, framed through different values by the different actors. These frames have been situated in categories, depending on whether they depoliticise TTIP, they challenge it in an agonistic or antagonistic way, or they focus on the negotiations as a process. The framing analysis of the media content on TTIP in the Spanish, French and British public spheres has revealed two separate chronological periods in the TTIP debate based on the presence of frames, measured through a framing ratio. The first period represents the traditional ‘permissive consensus’, while the second illustrates the agonistic politicisation of TTIP. Each national public sphere developed its own dynamics, which shows the importance that the national context has when discussing TTIP and Europe (Diez Medrano, 2003). However, while the Spanish, French and British public spheres have slightly different chronologies in their transitions from the first to the second period, there is a transnational coherence in terms of the frames of reference across the three countries. The findings of the media content analysis, particularly during the second period of the TTIP debate in the three countries, support the argument that there has been a Europeanisation of national public spheres that has happened in combination with a value-based and agonistic (Mouffe, 2013) politicisation. Rather than opposing the EU as a polity, the agonistic politicisation that has taken place in the case of TTIP has legitimised the EU by opening a space for the contestation of the negotiations, while accepting the EU as a political arena. The thesis argues that this agonistic Europeanisation of the national public spheres can lead towards an ‘empowering dissensus’ for European integration. The combination of agonistic politicisation and Europeanisation of public spheres is a process that matches ‘policy with politics’ at the EU level and normalises the EU as a polity by channeling conflict as politics in the Union rather than politics of the Union. / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La Tunisie est passée d’un régime autoritaire à un régime pluraliste et libéral. Pour autant, est ce que les associations tunisiennes ont changé leur rapport au politique ? A partir d’une étude monographique à Tozeur dans le sud tunisien, le présent travail de recherche appréhende les processus de politisation à travers l’action et l’engagement associatif et leur évolution après ce qu’il est commun d’appeler la « révolution ». La politisation est appréhendée à travers une triple approche. La première porte sur les trajectoires individuelles de l’engagement et les formes d’imbrication ou de rupture avec les carrières militantes de type partisan. La deuxième porte sur les modalités de participation à la construction et la production de l’action publique. La troisième sur le niveau de prise en compte des rapports sociaux de domination.En régime autoritaire, les associations représentaient soit un instrument du système clientélaire de parti unique, soit un espace politique de substitution faisant l’objet d’une politique de domestication. Dans ce contexte, les associations ont été largement absentes de la dynamique insurrectionnelle. Néanmoins, la révolution a contribué à bouleverser le cadre institutionnel. L’institutionnalisation de la participation de la société civile relève d’un processus de normalisation de la logique révolutionnaire.Les associations se retrouvent alors au centre de la gestion politico-administrative du pouvoir local en étant un vecteur essentiel de production des notabilités locales. La promotion de la société civile et l’institutionnalisation des associations conduit paradoxalement à des formes de mise sous tutelle, non plus de l’Etat mais des organisations internationales, qui laissent peu de marges de manœuvre pour une co-construction de l’action publique. Dans ce contexte, si certaines associations sont porteuses d’un discours émancipateur à l’égard de groupes sociaux, elles contribuent malgré elle à des formes de reproductions des rapports sociaux inégalitaires. / Tunisia has moved from an authoritarian to a pluralistic and liberal regime. However, have Tunisian associations changed their relationship to politics and policies? Based on a monographic study in Tozeur in southern Tunisia, the present piece studies the processes of politicization through civic engagement and action and their evolution after what is commonly called the "revolution". Politicization is apprehended through a threefold approach. The first relates to the individual trajectories of engagement and to forms of overlapping or breaking with party-oriented career. The second concerns the modalities of participation in the construction and production of public action. The third concerns the degree of consideration of forces of social domination.Under the authoritarian regime, associations were either an instrument of the single-party clientel system or an alternative political space subject to domestication policy. In this context, associations were largely absent from the insurrectionary dynamics. Nevertheless, the revolution paved the way to major changes of the institutional framework. The institutionalization of the participation of civil society is a process of normalization of revolutionary logic.The associations are then at the center of the politico-administrative management of the local power being an essential vector of production of the local notables. The promotion of civil society and the institutionalization of associations paradoxically lead to place them under the tutelage, not of the State but of the international donors, which gives little room for maneuver to co-constructing public action. In this context, while some associations hold an emancipatory discourse with regard to certain social groups, they unwillingly contribute to reproduce forces of social inequalities.

O presente trabalho estuda a atuação de organizações da sociedade civil brasileiras no Mercosul por meio de uma dupla estratégia: o uso de repertórios tradicionais de protesto/mobilização social e participação em canais institucionais de diálogo. A revisão da literatura mostra que estas duas dimensões da ação têm sido tratadas de forma fragmentada em grande parte das contribuições teóricas sobre o tema. A partir do estudo da atuação de de organizações da sociedade civil no tema da integração regional, os objetivos deste trabalho são compreender como mobilizam simultaneamente estas duas estratégias e, desta forma, contribuir com o debate na área sobre o transnacionalismo e a influência de atores não estatais no campo das Relações Internacionais. / This thesis studies the activities of Brazilian civil society organizations in Mercosur through a dual strategy: the use of traditional repertoires of protest/social mobilization and participation in institutional channels for dialogue. The literature review shows that these two dimensions of action have been treated in a fragmented way in much of the theoretical work on the issue. Based on the activities of social actors in the regional integration process, the goals of this research are to understand how these actors simultaneously mobilize those strategies, and thus to contribute to the debate on transnationalism and the influence of non-state actors in the International Relations field.

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivos identificar as principais particularidades das Organizações Sociedade Civil e conhecer como essas particularidades influenciam a formulação e execução de estratégias dessas organizações. Para cumprimento dos propósitos da pesquisa, foi utilizada a metodologia mista, quantitativa e qualitativa. Na primeira etapa, de natureza quali-quantitativa, foi realizado um estudo envolvendo a análise S.W.O.T feita por 217 organizações. Os dados presentes nessas análises foram classificados em proposições e temas e, por meio de estatística descritiva, foram analisadas as frequências dessas variáveis. Posteriormente, por meio da análise multivariada, foram identificadas as relações entre as fraquezas, fortalezas, oportunidades e ameaças apresentadas, bem como a relação dessas variáveis com o tempo de funcionamento dessas organizações na ocasião em que realizaram a análise S.W.O.T. A segunda etapa da pesquisa, de natureza qualitativa, buscou compreender, por meio da realização de cinco entrevistas, como os fatores identificados como mais frequentes na primeira etapa da pesquisa apresentavam-se como propulsores ou restritivos para formulação e execução de estratégias. O estudo conclui que os fatores mais frequentes em termos de fraquezas referem-se aos temas de gestão, recursos financeiros e recursos humanos. No que diz respeito às fortalezas, os temas mais citados foram recursos humanos e legitimidade. Em termos de oportunidades, foram mais citados aspectos relacionados ao crescimento, em especial à possibilidade de realizar/desenvolver novas parcerias e formas de capação de recursos. Quanto às ameaças, os dois temas mais citados fazem referência ao risco financeiro e ao ambiente legal e político. Entre os principais achados da pesquisa, destaca-se a questão da limitação e incerteza dos recursos, que gera insegurança para que as organizações formulem estratégias de crescimento futuro. Assim, recomenda-se que estudos futuros desenvolvam modelos de planejamento que considerem a realidade específica dessas organizações, especialmente a necessidade de elaboração de um planejamento de levantamento de recursos que dê suporte e viabilize a formulação de estratégias em termos programas e projetos que busquem a eficácia no atendimento das demandas do público atendido. / The aim of this research was to identify the main peculiarities of Civil Society Organizations and discover how they influence the formulation and implementation of strategies in such organizations. To fulfill the purposes of the research, a mixed methodology, being quantitative and qualitative, was used. For the literature review, a bibliometric survey was carried out in order to find the major works, authors and publications on the topics of strategy and Third Sector. In the first stage of the field research, which was qualitative and quantitative, a study was conducted involving the SWOT analysis prepared by 217 organizations. The data presented in these analysis were classified into themes and propositions and, by means of descriptive statistics, the frequencies of these variables were investigated. Subsequently, by means of multivariate analysis, we identified the relationships between the presented weaknesses, strengths, opportunities and threats as well as the relationship between these variables and the organizations\' lifespan at the time the SWOT analysis was made. The second stage of the research, which was qualitative in nature, aimed at understanding how the factors identified as most frequent in the first stage of the research presented themselves as drivers or restrictive formulation for the implementation of strategies. In order to accomplish that, five organizations were interviewed. The study concludes that the most common factors in terms of weaknesses refer to management, financial and human resources. Regarding strengths, human resources and legitimacy were the most frequently mentioned. In terms of opportunities, issues related to growth, in particular the possibility of making/developing new partnerships and ways of pruning resources, were the most frequently mentioned. As for the threats, the two most frequently cited in the literature refer to financial risk and the legal and political environment. One of the key findings of this qualitative research was the fact that the limitation of resources and uncertainty creates a dilemma for organizations when formulating strategies for future growth. Thus, it is recommended that future studies develop planning models that consider the specific reality of these organizations. These models should especially take into account the need to elaborate a fundraising plan that supports and makes the formulation of strategies in terms of programs and projects that seek efficiency in meeting the client\'s demands possible.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2017-10-02T22:18:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o de Gilmara dos S Belmon Bomfim.pdf: 1072195 bytes, checksum: 31318749eb8944d1f65502c8d957ee06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-02T22:18:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??o de Gilmara dos S Belmon Bomfim.pdf: 1072195 bytes, checksum: 31318749eb8944d1f65502c8d957ee06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-04 / This research analyzes the participation and the representation of the subjects responsible for the elaboration and monitoring of the Articulated Actions Plan (PAR), in the municipality of Am?lia Rodrigues - BAHIA, from 2007 to 2014. Therefore, the study chose as central question of research: How did the different subjects participate in the process of preparing and monitoring of the PAR? How did they become agents of social mobilization and active representatives of civil society for the development of the Plan? The PAR is an instrument created by the Federal Government, in 2007, in the management of President Luiz In?cio Lula da Silva, with the purpose of improving the quality of education through the implementation of educational programs, in collaboration between the Union, states, municipalities and Federal District. The objective was to analyze the participation and representation of the subjects in the preparation and follow-up of the PAR. The purpose was also to verify the implications for mobilization of the civil society and in the results achieved, about the plan and its development. The research has qualitative character and used as data collection instruments the documentary analysis and the semi-structured interview, taking as main categories of analysis the concepts of participation, representation and civil society. The research has as reference the assumptions of the praxis philosophy of Antonio Gramsci (1973), (1982), (1984). The data from the study consisted of oral sources and official printed and digital documents that instituted, regulated and guided the production and monitoring of the PAR, in the period 2007 to 2014. It was used also the minutes of local team meetings. It was identified that in 2008 the political context of municipal elections, together with the technical limitations of the local team, negatively influenced the first elaboration of the PAR, generating a plan with some inconsistencies about the educational reality of the municipality. It was verified that in the second period the members of the local team were more participative, without, however, establishing links with their represented. The study concluded that there was no continuous and effective process of civil society mobilization for the production and monitoring of PAR actions in the municipality of Am?lia Rodrigues, revealing that the participation of the subjects was formal, without a power sharing but of accountability. These subjects did not establish interlocution with their represented, so that their performance was insufficient, about the active participation in the sense of having and giving part in the actions. / Esta pesquisa analisa a participa??o e a representa??o dos sujeitos respons?veis pela elabora??o e pelo monitoramento do Plano de A??es Articuladas (PAR), no munic?pio de Am?lia Rodrigues ? BA, no per?odo de 2007 a 2014. Para tanto, o estudo elegeu como quest?o central de investiga??o: Como e em que medida os diferentes sujeitos participantes do processo de elabora??o e acompanhamento do PAR se constitu?ram como agentes de mobiliza??o social e representantes ativos da sociedade civil para o desenvolvimento do Plano? O PAR ? um instrumento criado em 2007 pelo Governo Federal, na gest?o do Presidente Luiz In?cio Lula da Silva, com a finalidade de melhorar a qualidade da educa??o por meio da implementa??o de programas educacionais, em regime de colabora??o entre a Uni?o, Estados, munic?pios e Distrito Federal. Como objetivo buscou-se analisar a participa??o e a representa??o dos sujeitos na elabora??o e acompanhamento do PAR, assim como suas implica??es na mobiliza??o da sociedade civil e nos resultados alcan?ados, tanto no delineamento do Plano, quanto no seu desenvolvimento. A pesquisa, de car?ter qualitativo, utilizou como instrumentos de coleta de dados a an?lise documental e a entrevista semiestruturada, tomando como principais categorias de an?lise os conceitos de participa??o, representa??o e sociedade civil, tendo como refer?ncia os pressupostos da filosofia da pr?xis de Antonio Gramsci (1973), (1982), (1984). Os dados do estudo foram constitu?dos de fontes orais e de documentos oficiais impressos e digitais que institu?ram, regulamentaram e orientaram a produ??o e o acompanhamento do PAR no per?odo de 2007 a 2014, bem como das atas de reuni?es da Equipe Local. Identificou-se que, no ano de 2008 o contexto pol?tico de elei??es municipais, aliado ?s limita??es t?cnicas da Equipe Local influenciou negativamente a primeira elabora??o do PAR, gerando um plano com algumas incoer?ncias frente ? realidade educacional do munic?pio. Verificou-se que na segunda vig?ncia os membros da Equipe Local foram mais participativos, sem, contudo, estabelecerem v?nculos com seus representados. O estudo concluiu que n?o houve um processo cont?nuo e efetivo de mobiliza??o da sociedade civil para a produ??o e o acompanhamento das a??es do PAR no munic?pio de Am?lia Rodrigues, revelando que a participa??o dos sujeitos ocorreu formalmente, sem que houvesse uma partilha de poder e sim de responsabiliza??o. Estes sujeitos n?o estabeleceram interlocu??o com seus representados, de modo que sua atua??o ficou aqu?m da participa??o ativa no sentido de ter e dar parte nas a??es.

For much of its recent history, the Kachin State of northern Myanmar has been wrought with civil warfare that has come to define its image from the outside, as well as being a key signifier in the conceptual life worlds of many of its ethnic nationalities. While Myanmar is currently witnessing significant – if still uncertain – political and economic transitions, the Kachin State remains largely marginalized from these processes. Rather than an absence of state power, however, this marginalization had led to competing projects of statecraft vying over resources, military control and popular legitimacy in the highly fragmented territorialities. In this thesis I engage this complex landscape through the nexus of formal schooling, organized religion, and ethno nationalist politics. My primary ethnographic focus is on the emergence ‐ of several private schools led by a younger generation of Kachin educators. I am asking why these schools arose at this point in time and what has motivated their leaders to strive for institutional autonomy in settings long characterised by a scarcity of human and material resources. I argue that, in addition to their explicitly stated pedagogical aims, these initiatives are serving particular visions of social and political development, defined by Christian moralities and ethno‐nationalist ideologies. As such, their practice can be read as a form of critique towards the established systems of schooling and governance led by the central state of Myanmar, as well as that of the Kachin Independence Organization, the main contender for political self‐determination in the area. Decades of perceived marginalization of the Kachin populace of northern Myanmar are the principal motivator for the leaders of these educational projects. However, important points of tension also exist within the Kachin society itself, both in the fields of schooling and religion. A focus on the institutions of private education thus enables me to ask questions about the nature of local political authority, ethnic identification, and the influence of organized religion more generally. By employing a historical perspective to complement my ethnographic material, I am tracing the emergence of ideas, practices, and institutions of schooling that were born from the missionary encounter and decades of military conflicts. These, together with the more recent cosmopolitan ideas of modernity, lie at the heart of contemporary efforts to provide alternative paths to schooling, and to attain the dreams of social development for the Kachin society that the educators seek.