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The object of this thesis is to look at the neglected area of the social interaction between Imperial regiments and society in a colony. The chosen colony is New Zealand, looking with particular reference at its original capital of Auckland between 1840 and 1870. This period encompasses the Maori or New Zealand Wars. However, it is not the intention to look at these campaigns, but to examine how the regiments of the Imperial garrison interacted on a day-to-day basis with colonial society in both peace and war. Chapter One establishes the existing literature with regard to the impact of a military presence on colonial societies using the relatively few examples of work done on Canada, South Africa, India and Australia, as well as the limited information available on the impact of garrisons in Britain itself. Indeed, comparisons will also be made with the role of the United States army in westwards frontier expansion, on which some useful studies exist. Chapter Two is also general in nature in the sense that it discusses the reasons for the introduction of Imperial regiments into New Zealand and those factors contributing to their continued presence until 1870, as well as the fluctuations in military strength. Moving to the particular, Chapter Three illustrates how Auckland became the Imperial Military Headquarters in New Zealand and the development of its military infrastructure as the town itself expanded. The two principal establishments became Fort Britomart and the Albert Barracks. It will also be shown that Governor FitzRoy was responsible for the construction of the Albert Barracks, not Sir George Grey as is generally supposed. The intention of Chapter Four is to examine in detail the economic impact of the garrison on Auckland, primarily by means of investigating how the army was supplied. In particular, local newspapers are utilised as a medium through which to trace how civilians tendered for Commissariat contracts. Chapter Five discusses the health of the Imperial regiments posted to New Zealand to establish whether service there implied the same kind of potential death sentence as that in some other colonies. Chapter Six then examines both the discipline of Imperial regiments in Auckland and wider issues of social interaction since, in other colonies, the extent of indiscipline could radically affect civil-military relations. In terms ofthe wider issues, there is examination of such aspects of the relationship between soldiers and civilians as sport, entertainment, local politics, and civic ceremony. Chapter Seven will be then offer conclusions on the inter-relationship and inter-dependence between soldiers and civilians in Auckland.

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.

Approximately one in two parents across the province of Ontario, regardless of personal religious beliefs, now choose to enrol their children in a public Roman Catholic secondary school over the public secular school counterpart. The Ontario Roman Catholic school system has historically struggled for recognition and independence as an equally legitimate system in the province. Students in modern schools regard religion and spirituality as critical aspects to their individual identities, yet this study investigates the language and knowledge delivered within the systemic marginalization and colonial framework of a Euro-centric school system and the level of inclusivity and acceptance it affords its youth. Using a critical ethnographic methodology within a single revelatory case study, this study presents the voices of youth as the most critical voice to be heard on identity and identity in faith in Ontario Roman Catholic schools. Surveys with students and student families are complemented with in-depth student interviews, triangulated with informal educational staff interviews and the limited literature incorporating youth identity in modern Ontario Roman Catholic schools. Through the approach of an anti-colonial discursive framework, incorporating a theology of liberation that emphasizes freedom from oppression, the voice of Roman Catholic secondary school youth are brought forth as revealing their struggle for identity in a system that intentionally hides identity outside of being Roman Catholic. Broader questions discussed include: (a) What is the link between identity, schooling and knowledge production?; (b) How do the different voices of students of multi-faiths, educators, administrators, and so forth, contradict, converge and diverge from each other?; (c) How are we to understand the role and importance of spirituality in schooling, knowledge production, and claims of Indigenity and resistance to colonizing education?; (d) What does it mean to claim spirituality as a valid way of knowing?; (e) In what way does this study help understand claims that spirituality avoids splitting of the self?; (f) How do we address the fact that our cultures today are threatened by the absence of community?; and (g) What are the pedagogic and instructional relevancies of this work for the classroom teacher?

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.

Doctor of Philosophy(PhD) / Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.

Australia accepted a great responsibility in 1946, when it agreed to abide by the terms outlined in the United Nations Trusteeship Agreement and direct colonial policy in the Territory of New Guinea (after 1949 the Territory of Papua and New Guinea) toward the social, economic, and political development of the Territory’s indigenous population. Emulating British colonial development in East Africa and the British Solomon Islands Protectorate, it introduced cooperative societies to facilitate the growth of the indigenous cash economy and gradually established local government councils to regulate municipal affairs. The public servants primarily responsible for implementing colonial development policy in the field were the “outside men”—patrol officers (often referred to as ‘native affairs’ officers or kiaps) working for the Department of District Services and Native Affairs (1946-55) and its successors, the Department of Native Affairs (1956-63) and the Department of District Administration (1964-69). Representing the hard power of the state, patrol officers explored the country and used the threat of force to introduce and maintain British law. They also employed the soft power of enticement, promising development as an incentive for cooperation. Their soft power functions increased after the Pacific War, when they supervised (arguably dominated) cooperative societies and local government councils. In theory, colonial development promised amelioration and progress. In practice, it often exacted a heavy physical and psychological toll on Papua New Guineans, bringing disease, arbitrary violence, and humiliation. Local people adopted a number of strategies in response to white intrusion. Some acquiesced with the government and used compliance as a means of increasing their own position within the colonial culture. Others adopted an uncooperative attitude, neither resisting nor complying with the patrol officers. Colonial intrusion fractured pre-existing forms of self-management, leaving village people struggling to understand the radical changes of culture contact. Many supported alternative development associations—such as welfare societies, kampanis, and kivungs (often dismissed as ‘cargo cults’)—in opposition to state structures. Field officers attempted to direct economic and political development in the villages toward state controlled structures and often discouraged independent indigenous development. Although Australia promised to create opportunities for local people, enhanced indigenous participation implied greater indigenous independence. This threatened Australian control in strategically important Papua New Guinea. Careful to contain ‘cargo cult’ and communist activity, the Australian Administration attempted to maintain absolute control over indigenous political and economic development and regulate potentially subversive influences in the Territory. The conflicting role of patrol officers as both agents of control and agents of development reflected the contradiction in the Australian Trusteeship. Their policing functions created distrust in the villages and impeded positive relations with local people, who resented white authoritarianism and the demands of the Administration. Lack of trust made it difficult for the patrol officers to implement development policies. This thesis explores these contradictions in Australia’s trusteeship and the practice of colonial development in Papua New Guinea. It illustrates how Australia’s obsession with absolute control impeded the creation of appropriate and sustainable economic and political development in Papua New Guinea. Most studies of the kiap system concentrate on the early contact period, or the ‘first phase’ of colonial administration. This thesis adds to the literature by exploring how patrol officers and Papua New Guineans negotiated economic and political development during the ‘second phase’ of colonial development. It uses patrol reports written by field officers, documents generated by the Department of Territories and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), official correspondence, personal correspondence contained in archival collections, and contemporary newspaper reports to construct a social history of economic and political development in late-colonial Papua New Guinea. Uniquely, it reveals how Cold War political pressures constrained development related discourses in Papua New Guinea and how the security services used patrol officers and compliant Papua New Guineans to keep the Territory under surveillance. While development may have been a common goal for most people in post-war Territory of Papua and New Guinea (henceforth Papua New Guinea), its form was a matter of much negotiation and conflict, involving a number of competing indigenous and non-indigenous interests.

Doctor of Philosophy(PhD) / Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Comparative Religion, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-56-Xx).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Hawaii, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 369-392).