During the month of November 2017, the President of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe was taken into custody by Zimbabwe’s military. This was a move in order to shift the governmental power after which Mugabe after almost 40 years as President of Zimbabwe resigned from his post.   The thesis contains a Ccritical Ddiscourse Aanalysis of articles published by one of the world’s great newspapers during this shift of power. The newspaper analysed is the British newspaper ‘The Guardian’. The analysis studied which characters and major topics are represented in the articles and how they are represented to see what fits inside The Guardian’s news reporting on the final events in the shift of power in Zimbabwe. In order to find these discursive attributes, pictures linked to the articles were analysed, the context in which the events happened as well as the discourse used in the articles from a perspective of orientalism, post-colonialism and ideology. Other theoretical aspects used are framing, representation and critical Critical Ddiscourse Sstudies.   The empirical case in this research project involves three articles collected from T‘the Guardian ’ reaching from the reporting of Mugabe’s firing of his vice President, Emmerson Mnangagwa to the reporting of Robert Mugabe resigning as President of Zimbabwe.   The interest in this study is springing from the normative approach of news media to provide an objective story to the readers while providing the whole picture. With this mission many different challenges come along of orientalist and post-colonial character, as ‘the Guardian’The Guardian is a British newspaper and Zimbabwe being a former British colony.   The results concluded an absence of post-colonial and orientalist representations in the news frames regarding Zimbabwe and its population, the most ideologically charged instances rather revolved around Robert and Grace Mugabe.

Cette étude tente de démontrer la place des zâwiyas et plus particulièrement celle de la ‘Alawiyya dans l’Algérie contemporaine et leur rôle pendant la montée du nationalisme et la lutte de libération. Parler de la persécution et de la réhabilitation de la confrérie ‘Alawiyya (et d’autres) en Algérie durant la période contemporaine, nous amène à traiter des rapports de celle-ci avec : (1) L’administration coloniale : la confrérie était étroitement surveillée par les services de la police des renseignements généraux. La stratégie de la confrérie consistait à rester neutre autant que possible mais elle n’hésitait pas à défendre la préservation de l’identité arabo-musulmane. (2) Le mouvement du réformisme : avec la parution en 1926 de la revue ach-Chihab et l’Association des Oulémas Musulmans Algériens (AOMA) fondée le 5 mai 1931 avec à sa tête le Président Ibn Badis qui contribua à la montée du sentiment nationaliste algérien. (3) Les milieux nationalistes algériens : avec lesquels la confrérie ‘Alawiyya entretenait des relations étroites notamment sous la période du Parti du Peuple Algérien (PPA). Les événements du 8 mai 1945 à Sétif précipitèrent la préparation de la Révolution algérienne pendant laquelle le cheikh Mehdi Bentounes joua un rôle actif. (4) Les gouvernements algériens successifs : La confrérie ‘Alawiyya entendait lutter contre la nationalisation des biens habous. Le gouvernement Boumediene mena une vaste campagne de persécution contre le cheikh Mehdi Bentounes et procéda à son arrestation en 1970. La confrérie agissait dorénavant sur le terrain Européen avec le cheikh Khaled Bentounes qui procéda à la création de nombreux projets culturels et de jeunesse et à la reconnaissance de nombreux projets par les instances officielles nationales et internationales. Les persécutions finirent progressivement par marginaliser un courant religieux- soufisme qui était présent en Algérie depuis le début du millénaire. Il eut fallu l’avènement de la montée du fondamentalisme religieux qui aboutit à la guerre civile dite « les années noires » pour que le Gouvernement algérien procède à la réhabilitation des confréries religieuses en Algérie. / This study will attempt to demonstrate the status of zawiyyas, and in particular that of the 'Alawiyya in contemporary Algeria, and their role during the rise of nationalism and the liberation struggle. In our discussion of the persecution and rehabilitation of the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood (and others) in Algeria during the contemporary period we will deal with the links between the 'Alawiyya and: (1) The colonial administration: the Brotherhood was closely watched by the police and intelligence agencies. The strategy of the Brotherhood was to remain neutral insofar as possible, but it did not hesitate to defend the preservation of Arab-Muslim identity. (2) The reform movement, with the appearance in 1926 of the journal ach-Chihab and the Association of Muslim Algerian Ulemas (AOMA) founded the 5th of May 1931 with at its head President Ibn Badis, who contributed to the rise of Algerian nationalist sentiment. (3)Algerian nationalist groups, with which the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood maintained close relations, notably during the period of the Party of the Algerian People (PPA) founded in 1937 by Messali Hadj. The events of 8 May 1945 in Sétif triggered the preparation of the Algerian Revolution during which the Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes played an important role. (4) Successive Algerian governments: the 'Alawiyya Brotherhood decided to come out against the nationalization of « habous » holdings. The Boumedienne government carried out a vast campaign of persecution against Sheikh Mehdi Bentounes and had him arrested in 1970. From that time the Brotherhood became active in Europe with Sheikh Khaled Bentounes, who fostered the creation of numerous cultural and youth-oriented projects which enjoyed official recognition. These waves of persecution little by little marginalized a religious current -Sufism (tasawuf)- which had been present in Algeria from the beginning of the millennium, and which was part of an essential immaterial cultural heritage in Algeria. It took the arrival and the development of religious fundamentalism, resulting in the civil war known as the « Dark Years », for the Algerian government to promote the rehabilitation of the religious Brotherhoods in Algeria.

This dissertation examines the discursive and material terrain of urban Indigenous education in a public school district and Title VII/Indian Education program. Based in tenets of Tribal Critical Race Theory and utilizing counterstorytelling techniques from Critical Race Theory informed by contemporary Indigenous philosophy and methodological theory, this research takes as its focus the often-unacknowledged ways settler colonial discourses continue to operate in public schools. Drawing on two years of fieldwork in a public school district, this dissertation documents and makes explicit racial and colonial dynamics that manifest in educational policy and practice through a series of counterstories. The counterstories survey a range of educational issues, including the implementation of Native-themed curriculum, teachers’ attempts to support Native students in their classrooms, challenges to an administrator’s “no adornment” policies for graduation, Native families’ negotiations of erasures embedded in practice and policy, and a Title VII program’s efforts to claim physical and cultural space in the district, among other issues. As a collective, these stories highlight the ways that colonization and settler society discourses continue to shape Native students’ experiences in schools. Further, by documenting the nuanced intelligence, courage, artfulness, and what Gerald Vizenor has termed the “survivance” of Native students, families, and educators as they attempt to access education, the research provides a corrective to deficit framings of Indigenous students. Beyond building empathy and compassion for Native students and communities, the purpose is to identify both the content and nature of the competencies teachers, administrators, and policy makers might need in order to provide educational services that promote Indigenous students’ success and well-being in school and foster educational self-determination. This research challenges educators to critically interrogate taken-for-granted assumptions about Native identity, culture, and education and invites educators to examine their own contexts for knowledge, insights, and resources to better support Native students in urban public schools and intervene into discourses that constrain their educational experiences.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Analzira Pereira do nascimento.pdf: 1186645 bytes, checksum: f062a256037924e2607d872cd8742fad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Throughout history the Church has adopted evangelizing practices which consolidated a mission paradigm that became tightly influenced by colonialist expansion enterprises. As from sixteenth century took place an embranchment with the Reformation, although this draft also failed to break away colonial logic. We have gone along with this pattern trajectory as affected by puritanism and pietism, in addition to illuminist ideas retouching, it comes to be formatted at United States of America generating a missionary paradigm dominant protestant. In meeting the other , we support that the Church, zealous with fulfilling expansion programs, continues to play the same colonialist logic of domination that reinforces the denial of "other" identity. The first chapter depicts the socio-cultural and epistemological paradigmatic crisis which also has affected contemporary missionary movement due to the mismatch amidst strategies used by the church and the fresh requests and challenges presented by the world. The second chapter demonstrates the missionary movement journey throughout history highlighting the events that would contribute for missionary paradigm setting; the third chapter follows its trajectory after the Reformation and how it became the dominant model at USA. Lastly chapter four introduces a reflection on a new way of thinking about mission proposing a dialogical decolonized missiology. / A igreja, no decorrer da História, adotou práticas evangelizadoras que foram sedimentando um paradigma de missão que veio a ser fortemente marcado pelos empreendimentos de expansão colonialista. A partir do século XVI, uma bifurcação é feita com a Reforma, mas este projeto também não consegue fugir da lógica colonial. Acompanhamos a trajetória deste modelo que, influenciado pelo puritanismo e o pietismo, e com o retoque das ideias iluministas, vem a ser formatado nos Estados Unidos da América, dando origem ao paradigma missionário protestante dominante. Sustentamos que a igreja, em seus encontros com o outro , zelosa por cumprir programas de expansão, continua a reproduzir a mesma lógica colonialista de dominação que reforça a negação da identidade do outro . O primeiro capítulo retrata a crise paradigmática sociocultural e epistemológica que também afetou o movimento missionário contemporâneo em virtude do descompasso entre estratégias usadas pela igreja e as novas demandas e desafios que o mundo apresenta. O capítulo dois mostra a caminhada do movimento missionário através da História, destacando os eventos que viriam contribuir para a configuração do paradigma de missão. O capítulo três acompanha a sua trajetória protestante depois da Reforma e como ele se tornou o modelo dominante nos EUA. Finalmente, o capítulo quatro traz a reflexão a respeito de um novo jeito de pensar a missão, propondo uma missiologia dialógica descolonizada.

Trata-se de um estudo crítico e interdisciplinar acerca da relação histórica entre os processos de formação, universalização, modernização e institucionalização do direito internacional e o fenômeno do imperialismo, compreendido no contexto das diferentes fases de desenvolvimento do sistema capitalista mundial moderno. A partir da articulação de um arcabouço teórico-metodológico crítico, o estudo busca compreender a evolução e o desenvolvimento histórico do direito internacional (suas normas, práticas, princípios e instituições) no contexto das diferentes fases de expansão geográfica do capitalismo, ou seja, das atividades comerciais, financeiras e militares das potências imperialistas sobre os territórios periféricos da economia mundial. O objetivo primário é investigar a natureza desta relação histórica, buscando identificar de que modo o direito internacional contribuiu, no passado, para dar forma e legitimidade às práticas (diretas e indiretas, formais e informais, coloniais e neocoloniais) do imperialismo. Uma vez constatado o passado imperialista da disciplina, o objetivo secundário passa a ser analisar, de forma crítica, o “novo” direito internacional estabelecido no século XX, sobretudo após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, com o intuito de compreender em que medida esta nova estrutura legal internacional continuou a legitimar e a permitir as práticas do imperialismo, a despeito de sua nova retórica universalista, baseada nos direitos humanos, no desenvolvimento, e na cooperação internacional. Em outras palavras, busca-se compreender em que medida as principais transformações do direito internacional do século XX representaram uma ruptura com o passado imperialista da disciplina. Assim, a partir da articulação das principais teorias críticas da história do direito internacional, concluiu-se que a relação entre direito internacional imperialismo é estrutural, mútua e constante; que transcende a forma colonial, e que continua presente nas formas contemporâneas do capitalismo global e nas práticas contemporâneas do direito internacional (principalmente do direito internacional econômico). / This is a critical interdisciplinary research on the historical relationship between international law and imperialism. More specifically, it is a study on the historical relationship between the correlated processes of formation, universalization, modernisation and institutionalisation of international law and the different phases of development of the world capitalist system. The dissertation seeks to comprehend the historical development and evolution of modern international law (its norms, practices, principles and institutions, from 16th century naturalism to 20th century pragmatism) in the light of the different phases of the economic and geographical expansion of capitalism over the peripheral territories of the world economy. The primary goal is to investigate the nature of such relationship, with an aim to identify in which ways international law has contributed to the shaping and legitimation of (either formal or informal, colonial or neo-colonial) imperialist practices. The secondary goal is to analyse, from a critical standpoint, the “new” international law established in the 20th century with a view to understand to what extent this new international legal structure has continued to shape and legitimise imperialist practices, in spite of the new universalist rhetoric based on human rights, development and cooperation. In other words, the study seeks to comprehend to what extent the main 20th century transformations in international law represented or not a break from the discipline’s imperialist past. That is, to what extent they have changed the nature of the historical linkage between international law and imperialism. With the articulation of the most recent and important critical international legal scholarship the dissertation concluded that the relationship between international law and imperialism is structural, mutual and constant; that it transcends the colonial form; and that it remains present in the contemporaneous forms of global capitalism as well as in the contemporaneous practices of international law (specially international economic law).

As crianças são as verdadeiras anarquistas”? Que peso tem uma “verdade” sobre as crianças? Para ilustrar essa dissertação, questionamos uma “verdade” pichada em um muro. Porque as verdades sobre as crianças estão em todos os lugares, nós, adultos, as escrevemos, as pichamos, as pintamos em todos os lugares. Essas “verdades” estão em livros, em manuais de científicos, em enciclopédias pediátricas, nos currículos e até nas representações artísticas sobre as crianças e sobre as infâncias. Fundamentada nas concepções decolonialistas sobre a infância e as crianças, esta dissertação faz um resgate teórico do pós-colonialismo e da decolonialidade latino-americana, em especial, das produções acerca dos Estudos da Infância e educação das crianças pequenas. Problematizando também uma discussão metodológica a partir das contribuições anarquistas. Apresento possibilidades e limites para discutir (outras) infâncias pelo anarquismo, pela América Latina, pelos territórios (de)colonizados, pela desescolarização, em consonância com os estudos pós-coloniais e decoloniais. / “Are children the real anarchists?” What weight has a "truth" on children? To illustrate this dissertation, we question a "truth" graffitied in a wall. Because truths about children are everywhere, we, adults, write them, graffiti them, paint them everywhere. These "truths" are in books, in scientific manuals, in pediatric encyclopedias, in curriculum, and even in artistic representations about children and childhood. Based on decolonialist conceptions about childhood and children, this dissertation makes a theoretical rescue from postcolonialism and Latin American decoloniality, especially from the contributions on Childhood Studies and early childhood education. Also problematizing a methodological discussion from the anarchist contributions. I present possibilities and limits to discuss (other) childhoods through anarchism, Latin America, colonized territories, unschooling, in line with postcolonial and decolonial studies.

A presente tese pretende estabelecer as confluências entre romances de três autoras distintas. Partindo de um viés womanista, dois romances de cada escritora foram analisados e suas similaridades enfocadas, principalmente no que concerne ao tratamento dado às personagens femininas. A tese é composta de cinco capítulos. O primeiro lida com conceitos e temas subjacentes ao debate em torno das literaturas produzidas pelas chamadas minorias. Já o segundo, mergulha no universo literário de Conceição Evaristo, nossa autora afro-brasileira. O terceiro segmento aborda a literatura da afro-americana Toni Morrison. No quarto capítulo, enfocamos a obra da moçambicana Paulina Chiziane. A costura do texto é alinhavada no quinto capítulo, quando tecemos considerações finais sobre as semelhanças e particularidades de cada autora / The present thesis intends to establish the confluences between novels by three distinct authors. From a womanist perspective, two novels by each author were analyzed and their similarities were highlighted, especially concerning the treatment provided to the female characters. The thesis is made up of five chapters. The first one deals with concepts and themes underlying the debate about the literatures produced by the so-called minorities. The second chapter dives into the literary universe of our Afro-Brazilian writer, Conceição Evaristo. The third segment of the thesis focuses on the literature of the Afro-American Toni Morrison. The fourth sheds light on the works of the Mozambican Paulina Chiziane. The sewing of the text receives its finishing touches in the fifth chapter, where we elaborate final considerations on the similarities and peculiarities of each author

This thesis presents a comparative analysis of the operation and significance of elections in the British colonies of Jamaica, New South Wales and the Cape, from 1849-1860, with a particular focus on the creation and reconstruction of ideas of politically-entitled British subjecthood over this period. Beginning with the first elections under a system of representative government in New South Wales and the Cape, and the early elections of the post-emancipation period in Jamaica, it questions how residents within these sites engaged with elections via the cultures of the canvass, public meetings, open nominations and viva voce polling. Through this study, I show how mid-century elections became critical sites for the articulation of social tensions and long-standing rivalries between competing settler groups within each of these colonies. I argue that the franchise, although highly demonstrative of the Colonial Office and settlers’ attempts to reconcile the respective competing histories of and justifications for colonisation, was often frustrated in practice. Cultures of violence, the manipulation of land-values, double-voting and bribery provided avenues through which laws governing the right to vote were transcended during elections. Through this thesis, I show how both residents and officials used such mechanisms to reshape the function and meaning of the franchise. I also show the lasting implications of such changes, particularly for their impact on nascent attitudes to race. Via a close examination of case studies across the three sites, this history broadens understandings of the mid-century as a period in which locally-elected legislatures increasingly became the prerogative of white ‘settler’ colonies and political rights increasingly centred on an individual, defined by his race and gender, as well as his class. Although affirming the importance of the period, it shows the complexities and inconsistencies of attempts to define the boundaries of enfranchisement over this period, and the impact of struggles to achieve it via changes to electoral law and practice. The comparison between New South Wales, the Cape and Jamaica illuminates the manner through which global discourses of reform, including those relating to bribery, privacy and order, would come to be repurposed within each site. It also serves to reinforce the striking role that attitudes to race would come to play in the formation and regulation of electoral practice across the British Empire. In this manner, this thesis aims to advance imperial historiography by highlighting the role of electoral culture as a reflection of and instigating factor in wider reconceptions of political rights across the British colonial world.

In 1898 the Philippines became a colony of the United States, the result of American economic expansion throughout the nineteenth century. Having been granted independence in 1946, the nominally sovereign Republic of the Philippines remained inextricably linked to the US through restrictive legislation, military bases, and decades of political and socio-economic patronage. In America’s closest developing world ally, and showcase of democratic values, Filipino President Ferdinand Marcos installed a brutal dictatorship in 1972, dramatically marking the end of democracy there. US foreign policy, from the inception of the US-Philippine partnership, failed to substantially resolve endemic poverty and elite political domination. During the Cold War, the discourse through which State Department policy was conceived helped perpetuate these unequal conditions, whilst also at times explicitly encouraging authoritarian solutions to domestic problems. As the Cold War escalated through the 1960s, especially in Vietnam, US officials insisted the Philippines provide military and ideological solidarity with US Cold War objectives at the expense of effectively addressing the roots of domestic instability. The Philippine example serves as the clearest case of the outcomes and impact of US foreign policy across the developing world, and thus must be considered an essential starting point when considering the United States’ Cold War experience. Based on extensive primary research from across the United Kingdom and the United States, this thesis re-examines and re-connects the historiography of colonialism, neo-colonialism, Southeast Asia, and Cold War studies. Nowhere did the US have such a long and intimate history of influence and partnerships than in the Philippines, and yet Marcos’s regime emerged there; this dissertation presents an analytical lens through which to measure the role of US foreign policy in creating a dictatorship.

abstract: Low-income communities of color in the U.S. today are often vulnerable to displacement, forced relocation away from the places they call home. Displacement takes many forms, including immigration enforcement, mass incarceration, gentrification, and unwanted development. This dissertation juxtaposes two different examples of displacement, emphasizing similarities in lived experiences. Mixed methods including document-based research, map-making, visual ethnography, participant observation, and interviews were used to examine two case studies in Phoenix, Arizona: (1) workplace immigration raids, which overwhelmingly target Latino migrant workers; and (2) the Loop 202 freeway, which would disproportionately impact Akimel O'odham land. Drawing on critical geography, critical ethnic studies, feminist theory, carceral studies, and decolonial theory, this research considers: the social, economic, and political causes of displacement, its impact on the cultural and social meanings of space, the everyday practices that allow people to survive economically and emotionally, and the strategies used to organize against relocation. Although raids are often represented as momentary spectacles of danger and containment, from a worker's perspective, raids are long trajectories through multiple sites of domination. Raids' racial geographies reinforce urban segregation, while traumatization in carceral space reduces the power of Latino migrants in the workplace. Expressions of care among raided workers and others in jail and detention make carceral spaces more livable, and contribute to movement building and abolitionist sentiments outside detention. The Loop 202 would result in a loss of native land and sovereignty, including clean air and a mountain sacred to O'odham people. While the proposal originated with corporate desire for a transnational trade corridor, it has been sustained by local industry, the perceived inevitability of development, and colonial narratives about native people and land. O'odham artists, mothers, and elders counter the freeway's colonial logics through stories that emphasize balance, collective care over individual profit, and historical consciousness. Both raids and the freeway have been contested by local grassroots movements. Through political education, base-building, advocacy, lawsuits, and protest strategies, community organizations have achieved changes in state practice. These movements have also worked to create alternative spaces of safety and home, rooted in interpersonal care and Latino and O'odham culture. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Environmental Social Science 2014