This study seeks to understand the forces initiating and sustaining colonialism, specifically the German colonial expansion in Africa. The history of this colonialism, and the relations between Germany and Africa, is difficult to understand holistically, given its complex and contentious nature. In order to best comprehend the composite interactions within the expansion of German control over Africa, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s theory of deterritorialization will provide the interpretative framework. This analysis begins by grappling with the notion of deterritorialization and then relates the theory to the social, cultural, economic and political manifestations of German colonial expansion. By taking a broad perspective upon the diverse articulations of power in Africa, the multiple elements of colonial control and resistance are manifest. In conclusion, this study finds difference, syncretism and negotiation between German and African to determine the history of German colonialism in Africa.

In this essay I examine Marguerite Duras’ anticolonial standpoint in the Swedish translation of hernovel Un barrage contre le Pacifique. The analysis demonstrates that the text itself reveals traces ofa colonial and problematic view of the local population of the floodplains where the novel is set.Certain passages regarding both the white protagonist family and the locals in the novel is examinedand discussed from a postcolonial perspective. The way the inhabitants of the novel are describedand the way the narrative is focalized creates differences between the white colonial family and thelocal population. This results in a highlighting of the suffering of the colonial family, and silencesthe voices of the locals.In dialogue with earlier research on Duras and the postcolonial, this essay especially focuseson the way the local women and children are portrayed in the novel. It criticizes the view of Durasas a subversive anticolonial voice, since such a view ignores the novel’s tendency to reproduce aracist portrayal of the Other. Even though the novel itself gives voice to an explicit criticism of thecolonial system, this is in no way a guarantee for it not to be reproducing harmful ways ofportraying colonized populations in a colonial tradition.

Every year, for the past 50 years, Nigeria’s oil-rich Niger Delta has suffered the same magnitude of oil spill in its rivers and swamps than was spilled in the 2010 Gulf Oil Spill. The damage has devastated the way of life of the Ogoni people who live in the area. They have consistently suffered environmental injustice as a result of Shell’s oil exploration, and the Nigerian government has ignored their cries for help and restitution. In fact, movements to garner support for environmental justice and fare share of oil profits and ownership from Shell and the state have been brutally shut down by the Nigerian government. Could it be that the reason that the state is willing to allow such a grave level of environmental degradation to persist is not only because it is corrupt, but also because the Nigerian government functions as a gatekeeper state guarding its precious oil resources? Following independence, many oil-producing countries turned to spigot economies that allowed whoever controlled access to the tap to collect rent on it. Thus, as a gatekeeper state, it is not in the best interest of the Nigerian government to give up its rent-seeking behaviors with Shell to appease its citizens because it may disrupt its relationship with the outside corporations. As a result, many of the cries for environmental justice by the Ogoni people have been met with resistance from the state since their function has evolved to collect taxes on exports and imports—not to maintain the trust of its citizens.

Voilà soixante ans que la France s'est retirée de l'Indochine. La chute de Diên Biên Phu, le 7 mai 1954, et la conférence de Genève, qui s'est achevée le 21 juillet 1954, ont mis un terme à l'engagement français en Asie du Sud-Est qui avait duré presque un siècle.Aujourd'hui, l'ancienne colonie ne joue qu'un rôle secondaire dans la perception publique. La littérature constitue une exception dans la mesure où elle reconstruit l'Indochine en prose. Ce que nous proposons dans cette thèse de doctorat est une analyse qui se concentre sur les représentations imaginaires du territoire de l'Indochine. Nous tenteronsde démontrer que c'est autour d'une logique spatiale que se constitue la littérature postcoloniale.En comparaison avec la littérature, les autobiographies historiques, les photographies et les films prétendent de rendre compte de la situation en Indochine en présentant juste un détail qui recouvre la complexité d'une vue d'ensemble. Uniquement la littérature postcoloniale révèle une approche critique et de son histoire et de son discours ainsi que de ses limites. Le récit sur l'Indochine révèle ses modes d'imagination. De cette façon, il correspond plusà la « vérité » de la colonie que d'autres modes de représentation historique. La linéarité de l'historiographie se termine dans la construction littéraire pour faire place à une Indochine qui est de nouveau un sujet de discours pour les contemporains. / The issue of this project will be the post-colonial imagining of Indochina in mainly French literature. Starting with the historical and geographical roots, it is shown that the imagining of a territory called Indochina began in the 19th century and still has an impact on the narration of the territory. The creation of a colony with this name began in 1862 and ended with the battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954. Until today, this aspect of the French past is a taboo.The publication of Marguerite Duras' novel „L'amant“ in 1984 gave a new impetus to this subject. Others followed. The objective of this project is to follow these traces left mainly in texts but also in maps, films, and pictures included in the novels. The digressions between the media leads to a comparison which shows that all media apart from the literature tend to limit their view on Indochina and to cover up the darker parts. The novels develop a critical view on historical science and question its task to maintain history by remaining neutral. It is shown that by telling the story of Indochina without skipping the resulting disastrous impact on the whole society literature has an important task. Creating a story by imagining and by intensifying the narration, literature as a commentary in the sense of Michel Foucault helps to remember why war is still part of every man's and woman's life and why it should stop.

Cette thèse de doctorat en histoire porte sur l’« Incident du 28 février », la révolte qui agita en 1947 Taiwan contre le pouvoir chinois après que la Chine eut récupéré sur l’île en 1945, après cinquante ans de colonisation japonaise. Cette rébellion, rapidement et très brutalement réprimée, est au cœur des luttes mémorielles qui agitent Taiwan depuis sa démocratisation, l’enjeu étant la légitimité de la souveraineté chinoise sur l’île, et l’identité de cette dernière. L’objet de mon travail est la violence politique, ses modalités et sa genèse. J’analyse l’éruption de violence de 1947 à la lumière de cinquante ans de relations sino-japonaises, en particulier la guerre de 1937-1945. Du côté taiwanais, la révolte s’appuie sur les réseaux et le répertoire d’actions et de symboles développés durant la mobilisation pour l’effort de guerre japonais, tant au niveau des troupes coloniales que des groupes paramilitaires et de jeunesse, sans qu’on puisse pour autant qualifier l’insurrection de pro-japonaise. Le passé colonial, et particulièrement la militarisation de la société taiwanaise qui s’est accompagnée d’une assimilation culturelle intensive, sert de ressource pour l’action politique. La violence employée du côté nationaliste chinois remobilise une riche expérience contre-insurrectionnelle, en particulier celle des années 1930. Son intensité disproportionnée s’explique par la perception de la rébellion comme un acte de guerre prolongeant l’invasion japonaise et déniant à la Chine son statut de vainqueur et de puissance civilisée. Elle solde les comptes de la guerre sino-japonaise à l’échelle locale par victimes interposées et parachève l’épuration des élites coloniales. / This PhD dissertation in history deals with the « February 28th Incident », a 1947 Taiwanese revolt against the Chinese rule restored in 1945, after fifty years of Japanese colonization. This rebellion, swiftly and very brutally quelled, has been central in the memory wars that have characterized Taiwan since it democratized. What is at stake is the legitimacy of China’s sovereignty over the island, and Taiwanese identity. The focus of my work is political violence, its modalities and its genesis. I analyze the outburst of violence of 1947 in the light of fifty years of Sino-Japanese relations, particularly the 1937-1945 war. On the Taiwanese side, the revolt taps into the networks and the repertoire of actions and symbols developed during the mobilization for the Japanese war effort. This mobilization affected colonial troops but also youth and paramilitary groups. This does not mean that the insurrection was pro-Japanese. Rather, the colonial past, more specifically the militarization of Taiwanese society during the war and the intensive cultural assimilation that accompanied it, is used as a resource for political action. The violence exerted by the Chinese Nationalist side remobilizes a rich experience of counter-insurgency, particularly that of the 1930s. Its disproportionate intensity stems from the perception of the rebellion as an act of war in the wake of Japan’s invasion of China, which denies the country its newfound status as a victor and a civilized great power. The suppression settles the accounts of the Sino-Japanese war on a local scale through proxies, and completes the purge of the colonial elite.

As crianças são as verdadeiras anarquistas”? Que peso tem uma “verdade” sobre as crianças? Para ilustrar essa dissertação, questionamos uma “verdade” pichada em um muro. Porque as verdades sobre as crianças estão em todos os lugares, nós, adultos, as escrevemos, as pichamos, as pintamos em todos os lugares. Essas “verdades” estão em livros, em manuais de científicos, em enciclopédias pediátricas, nos currículos e até nas representações artísticas sobre as crianças e sobre as infâncias. Fundamentada nas concepções decolonialistas sobre a infância e as crianças, esta dissertação faz um resgate teórico do pós-colonialismo e da decolonialidade latino-americana, em especial, das produções acerca dos Estudos da Infância e educação das crianças pequenas. Problematizando também uma discussão metodológica a partir das contribuições anarquistas. Apresento possibilidades e limites para discutir (outras) infâncias pelo anarquismo, pela América Latina, pelos territórios (de)colonizados, pela desescolarização, em consonância com os estudos pós-coloniais e decoloniais. / “Are children the real anarchists?” What weight has a "truth" on children? To illustrate this dissertation, we question a "truth" graffitied in a wall. Because truths about children are everywhere, we, adults, write them, graffiti them, paint them everywhere. These "truths" are in books, in scientific manuals, in pediatric encyclopedias, in curriculum, and even in artistic representations about children and childhood. Based on decolonialist conceptions about childhood and children, this dissertation makes a theoretical rescue from postcolonialism and Latin American decoloniality, especially from the contributions on Childhood Studies and early childhood education. Also problematizing a methodological discussion from the anarchist contributions. I present possibilities and limits to discuss (other) childhoods through anarchism, Latin America, colonized territories, unschooling, in line with postcolonial and decolonial studies.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2016-09-16T18:48:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriel Moreira Barbosa.pdf: 1530407 bytes, checksum: ffc03acfa6a3f441c3acd459cb8e0143 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-16T18:48:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriel Moreira Barbosa.pdf: 1530407 bytes, checksum: ffc03acfa6a3f441c3acd459cb8e0143 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This Master's Thesis presents the research results on Roger Williams – a english puritan pastor, who migrated to America to participate in the constitution of the Massachusetts colony in the year 1631. The question this research is on the reasons of Roger Williams for questioning the dominant thinking, on the nature of the Amerindian and the legitimacy of the occupation of their land. It starts with the thesis that from the experiences of Roger Williams, first with the suffering of the poor and with the religious persecution in England, along with his experiences in America, it was possible to contemplate the Amerindians as victims of English-puritan colonial system. Thus, the determinate objective was to analyze the criticism of Roger Williams to British colonialism and its defense of the Amerindians, seeking to understand it on the horizon of alterity of the Amerindians. This is a literature research of the author's works in which the Amerindian question appears and also that academic research related to the topic. For this, we refer us to the thought of Enrique Dussel, mainly through some categories of Liberation Philosophy, as Totality, Exteriority, Alterity, Alienation, Domination and Liberation, which enable think the colonial system in its inability to contemplate the amerindian externality. Also in Dussel, applied your reflection on the ethical criticism about the "negativity of the victims", in order to analyze this character's behavior in the face of colonial violence. And for the discussion about subjectness in Roger Williams, we seek the contribution of Franz J. Hinkelammert, on the subject of the theory. As a result, the three chapters of the text presents, respectively, a biographical and contextual synthesis of the character, followed by an exhibition of the debate on humanity and civility of the Amerindians and the issue of land and, in the third chapter, a discussion of Roger Williams and otherness. Was detected in the trajectory of the character who a ethical sensibility that led to the defense of socially marginalized groups, first in England and then in the colonies. Consequently, it was concluded that the defense of Amerindians followed the same criteria, allowing Williams to distance itself from European assumptions regarding its superiority to seek new paradigms about the relations between settlers and natives. It is hoped that this work can contribute to the critical reflections on the genesis of colonialism and of the first signs of critical thinking within the colonial system. / Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta os resultados da pesquisa sobre Roger Williams – pastor puritano, de origem inglesa, que migrou para a América a fim de participar da constituição da colônia de Massachusetts, no ano de 1631. Pergunta-se, nesta pesquisa, sobre os motivos que levaram Roger Williams a questionar o pensamento dominante, relativo à natureza do ameríndio e à legitimidade da ocupação de suas terras. Parte-se da tese de que a partir das experiências de Roger Williams, primeiro, com o sofrimento dos pobres e com perseguição religiosa na Inglaterra, segundo, suas próprias experiências na América, ele pôde contemplar os ameríndios como vítimas do sistema colonial inglês-puritano. Seu posicionamento seria, portanto, uma abertura à alteridade desses povos. Com isso, o objetivo determinado foi o de analisar a crítica de Roger Williams ao colonialismo inglês e sua defesa aos ameríndios, buscando compreendê-lo frente à alteridade dos ameríndios. Trata-se de uma bibliográfica das obras do autor e também de outros autores que tratam do tema. Como referência teórica, remetemo-nos ao pensamento de Enrique Dussel, principalmente, por meio de algumas categorias da Filosofia da Libertação, como Totalidade, Exterioridade, Alteridade, Alienação, Dominação e Libertação, que possibilitaram pensar o sistema colonial em sua incapacidade de contemplar a exterioridade ameríndia. Também, de Dussel, aplicou-se a reflexão sobre a crítica ética desde a negatividade das vítimas, para poder-se analisar o comportamento do personagem diante da violência colonial. E para a discussão sobre a sujeiticidade de Roger Williams, buscou-se o aporte de Franz J. Hinkelammert quanto à teoria do sujeito. Como resultado, os três capítulos da dissertação apresentam, respectivamente, uma síntese biográfica e contextual do personagem, seguida por uma exposição do debate sobre a humanidade e a civilidade dos ameríndios e sobre a questão da terra e, no terceiro capítulo, uma discussão sobre Roger Williams e a alteridade. Detectou-se, na trajetória do personagem, uma sensibilidade ética que o conduziu à defesa de grupos marginalizados socialmente, primeiro na Inglaterra e depois nas colônias. E diante disso, concluiu-se que a defesa dos ameríndios seguiu esse mesmo critério, possibilitando a Williams distanciar-se das pressuposições europeias quanto à sua superioridade para buscar novos paradigmas que orientassem as relações entre colonos e nativos. Espera-se que este trabalho possa contribuir para as reflexões críticas sobre a gênese do colonialismo e sobre os primeiros sinais de um pensamento crítico no interior do sistema colonial.

My dissertation provides an epistemic evaluation of settler colonialism in terms of settlers’ disavowal of past and ongoing settler colonial violence. I seek to explain how settlers can fail to hear Indigenous testimonies in ways that disrupt structural inequality and challenge settler colonial legitimacy. This theoretical consideration of settler ignorance reveals how the elimination of Indigenous peoples requires the delegitimatization of Indigenous peoples as knowers. This insight is crucial in evaluating contemporary governmental apologies and truth commissions aimed at reconciliation. In particular, I focus on the epistemic assumptions that do not challenge what I call ‘settler ignorance’ and so do not transform settler nation-myths that disavow past and present settler colonialism. My epistemic evaluation of settler colonialism demonstrates how the exclusion of Indigenous peoples from the realm of reason, what I call their ‘epistemic elimination,’ is not accidental, but integral to the settler colonial project of eliminating Indigenous presence. Using this characterization of settler ignorance, I evaluate the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in terms of its ability to accomplish its mandate of “establishing and maintaining respectful relationships” between Indigenous peoples and settler Canadians. I conclude that the TRC fails on its own terms because it does not challenge epistemic assumptions that prevent testimonies of residential school survivors to be heard as expressions of Indigenous refusal of settler authority. Without challenging these epistemic assumptions, testimonies cannot disrupt structural settler ignorance and so, cannot lead to meaningful reconciliation. Meaningful reconciliation requires of settlers a reparative transformation of epistemic assumptions that work to maintain a structural ignorance of past and ongoing settler colonial violence. The goal of what I call ‘reparative knowing’ is both a personal one and a critical intervention into how settlers can become epistemically responsible agents. In the context of ongoing settler colonial violence, reparative knowing involves a troubling of settler common sense, and so, a disruption of structural settler ignorance. Without such an understanding of settler ignorance and reparative knowing, an investigation into the aims and transformations of settler colonialism would remain incomplete.

In this dissertation, I draw together an archive of twentieth and twenty-first century North American authors and artists who explore the settler colonial and racist ideologies of the Anthropocene, the proposed name for a contemporary moment in which anthropogenic forces have forever altered the Earth system. I hold that the “the Anthropocene” names a moment in which localized environmental injustices have become planetary. Addressing the representational challenges posed by the epoch requires engaging the underlying cultural assumptions that have long rationalized injustices as necessary to economic prosperity and narrowly conceived versions of national wellbeing. Works of literature and cultural representation can use literary and artistic form to this end. In this dissertation, I identify one such formal strategy, which I term insensible realism. As a form of realism committed to representing the real impacts of discursive and material practices, insensible realism refers to the rejection of rationality and Enlightenment ideals that have been used to justify the White supremacy, settler colonialism and environmental destruction that instantiates the Anthropocene. A realism of the insensible also refers to my archive’s concentration on what cannot be easily sensed: the epoch’s social and environmental interactions that are physically, temporally, geographically and/or socially imperceptible to dominant society. I argue that these works eschew accepted notions of rationality and empiricism in favor of using non-dominant cultural traditions and theories of environmental justice to address the problems the Anthropocene poses. Challenging the dominant logics that have been used to rationalize racist, settler colonial and environmental violence of the Anthropocene creates space for alternative environmental commitments and narratives. Throughout the dissertation, I draw on theories from women of color feminism, environmental justice scholars, settler colonial studies, theories of race, and new materialism. Through a critical environmental justice framework, I argue that the authors and artists that make up my archive develop a literary and artistic approach to environmental justice, using forms of representation to highlight—and challenge—the intersections of racism, settler colonialism and environmental destruction. / 2019-10-17

Toward the end of the Troubles, the notion of an Ulster-Scots ethnicity, culture, and language began to be pursued by certain unionists and loyalists more desirous of ‘something more racy of the soil’ (Dowling 2007:54). Peace-building in Northern Ireland had undergone something of a cultural turn: the armed struggle over constitutional and civil rights questions began in the eighties to be ‘ethnically framed’ (Brubaker 2004:166). With cultural identity politically potent, the conception of an Ulster-Scots ethnic group began to gain traction with a tiny but influential subsection of unionists and loyalists. Since the nineties, this movement has gained considerable ground. This thesis represents an intersectional investigation of the inclusion of Ulster-Scots education into schools in Northern Ireland. I contend that Ulster-Scots studies represents an ethnicisation of the conception of a discrete Protestant politico-religious “community” within Northern Ireland, holding considerable potential for the deepening of senses of intercommunal differentiation. Rather than presenting the potential for the deconstruction of ideas of difference, such a pedagogy of reifies, perpetuates, (re)constructs and even deepens such ideas of difference by grounding notions of difference in ethno-cultural and genealogical bases. Ulster-Scots is often described as a means of waging cultural war in post-conflict Northern Ireland (Mac Póilin 1999). Contrariwise, I contend that it represents neither the uncritical, sectarian, loyalist pedagogy of its critics nor the pragmatic and innocuous solution to a problem of durable collective identities of its protagonists. Rather, Ulster-Scots education is embedded in the politics of consociational peace. The logic of consociationalism explicitly entails the maintenance of stark boundaries of ethnic difference. This research does not merely critique of Ulster-Scots pedagogy, but calls into question the whole consociational logic in which it, and the Northern Irish peace process in general, has been embedded.