Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T22:00:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 27 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo propõe a inserção da teoria comunitarista de TAYLOR e WALZER na redefinição do conceito de cidadania, através da possibilidade de procedimentos aceitáveis e limites morais que contribuam para inclusão da política de reconhecimento como elemento propositivo para as políticas públicas, no que se refere às dos grupos socioculturais em desvantagens nos processos de distribuição e acessibilidade de bens no espaço público. O estudo desenvolveu-se a partir da pesquisa bibliográfica das obras dos dois autores, localizando: I – em quais pressupostos no comunitarismo estão inseridos TAYLOR e WALZER; II – quais as principais categorias e conceitos nos dois autores, as possibilidades de convergência e divergência entre ambos; III – quais são os limites morais e procedimentos aceitáveis e a relação destes com a política do reconhecimento. Para a discussão sobre a política de reconhecimento, foram inseridos autores como HABERMAS, FRASER, HONNETH, SORIANO DIAZ, THIEBAUT, entre outros. A metodologia utiliza / This study is an attempt to use TAYLOR’s and WALZER’s communitarian theory to redefine the concept of citizenship, through the possibility of acceptable procedures and moral limits which may contribute for the inclusion of a politics of recognition as a propositional element in public policies, concerning disadvantaged social and cultural groups in the processes of distribution and accessibility of goods in the public space. The study was developed based on bibliographic research on the works of the two authors, trying to pinpoint: I – what communitarian assumptions can be found in TAYLOR and WALZER; II – what the main categories and concepts of the two authors are, as well as the possibilities of convergence and divergence between them; III – what the moral limits and the acceptable procedures are, as well as the relation between those and the politics of recognition. In order to discuss the politics of recognition, authors such as HABERMAS, FRASER, HONNETH, SORIANO DIAZ, and THIEBAUT were used, among others

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the often-ignored inherent philosophical connection between Charles Taylor¡¦s ontological argument (philosophical anthropology) and his political scheme. Taylor articulates a moral realist understanding of the plurality of values and an ontological statement of human agency, and tries to demostrate a possibility of reconciliation between essentially conflicting values and cultures. In Taylor¡¦s view, ¡§the many¡¨ does not necessarily entail tragical choices among values, as Isaiah Berlin famously asserted, but can be possibly mediated through the common human agency with the hope that we can eventually reach one true consensus. Based on this uniquely Taylorian understanding of human condition, Taylor¡¦s political scheme can be seen as an effort to ameliorate the deep-rooted malaise within Western modernity, and find a common ontological ground among community members and citizens by which deliberations can be facilitated. The thesis will go on to examine Taylor¡¦s two most inspiring political assertions, namely, the polilics of recognition and civic humanism, in detail. I will argue that although Taylor optimistically believes that a common moral and cultural understanding can help forming and be transformed into a common political common good within a given community, the connection between these two levels of commonality is fairly weak. Moreover, what liberals object is precisely Taylor¡¦s attempt to equate cultural common understanding with a form of political common good.

This thesis argues that current treatment in acute public mental health services is counterproductive for the wellbeing of those subject to such services. The consumer/survivor movement activism against the coercive nature of treatment is analysed according to new social movement theory. According to social theorists such as Alaine Touraine, new social movements are characterised by a struggle over identity. Consistent with this theme, what is identified in this thesis as central to the consumer/survivor movement objection to the nature of treatment in acute public mental health services, is the failure of services to respect patient identity as persons. What might account for this failure is analysed in this thesis through an examination of the question of the conceptualisation of the subject in the theory and concepts of psychiatry, in the practice of psychiatry, in mental health law and in government policy. / As a counterposition to the above perspectives, the work of RD Laing, Charles Taylor and Paul Ricoeur are considered in an attempt to develop a conceptualisation of the subject grounded in a historical narrative. Further, Emmanuel Levinas’ and Axel Honneth’s work is drawn on to identify the practical implications of Honneth’s claim for a politics of recognition, which also supports the consumer/survivor movement demand for recognition as subjects in mental health services.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2016-08-30T20:15:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira, Frederico Lacerda Couto de.pdf: 3579478 bytes, checksum: c52c1779f0763b1f586257f359daff99 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Angela Dortas (dortas@ufba.br) on 2016-08-30T21:11:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira, Frederico Lacerda Couto de.pdf: 3579478 bytes, checksum: c52c1779f0763b1f586257f359daff99 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-30T21:11:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira, Frederico Lacerda Couto de.pdf: 3579478 bytes, checksum: c52c1779f0763b1f586257f359daff99 (MD5) / A presente pesquisa analisa os fatores que condicionam a subrepresentatividade do patrimônio tombado pertencente às tradições culturais afrobrasileiras, que evidencia uma persistente desigualdade no conjunto patrimonial nacional. Partindo do referencial teórico proporcionado pelas políticas de reconhecimento, fica evidente a importância do patrimônio enquanto campo privilegiado para a reivindicação dos direitos dos diversos grupos sociais que compõem a sociedade brasileira. A inserção do reconhecimento nas agendas de reivindicações de direitos dos grupos culturais afrobrasileiros, principalmente das comunidades tradicionais de terreiros, tem desafiado o poder público a encontrar novas formas de identificar, selecionar, proteger e intervir em novas tipologias de sítios tombados. Contudo, o principal desafio reside no envolvimento das comunidades afrobrasileiras para que elas mesmas possam tornar-se proponentes de novos processos de tombamento e participantes efetivos na governança da política do patrimônio cultural nacional. Partindo de um estudo de caso do processo de tombamento da Casa de Oxumarê, esta pesquisa identifica e propõem medidas para promover o envolvimento destas comunidades na política patrimonial, buscando torna-la mais democrática e representativa da diversidade cultural do Brasil. / This research analyzes the factors that influence the sub-representation of tangible assets belonging to the Afro-Brazilian cultural tradition, bringing to light the persistent inequality in the Brazilian national heritage list. Based on the theoretical framework provided by the politics of recognition, becomes evident the importance of cultural heritage as a privileged field for the vindication of the rights of various social groups that constitute Brazilian society. The insertion of recognition on the agendas of political claims of Afro-Brazilian cultural groups, particularly of the traditional black religious communities, has challenged the government to find new ways to identify, select, protect and intervene in new types of listed sites. However, the main challenge lies in the involvement of Afro-Brazilian communities so that they themselves can become proponents of new nomination processes and effectively participate in the governance of the Brazilian cultural heritage policy. Departing from a case study of the listing process of the Afro-Bahian religious community, Casa de Oxumarê, this research identifies and proposes measures to promote the involvement of these communities on the heritage policy, seeking to make it more democratic and representative of the Brazilian cultural diversity.

My dissertation provides an epistemic evaluation of settler colonialism in terms of settlers’ disavowal of past and ongoing settler colonial violence. I seek to explain how settlers can fail to hear Indigenous testimonies in ways that disrupt structural inequality and challenge settler colonial legitimacy. This theoretical consideration of settler ignorance reveals how the elimination of Indigenous peoples requires the delegitimatization of Indigenous peoples as knowers. This insight is crucial in evaluating contemporary governmental apologies and truth commissions aimed at reconciliation. In particular, I focus on the epistemic assumptions that do not challenge what I call ‘settler ignorance’ and so do not transform settler nation-myths that disavow past and present settler colonialism. My epistemic evaluation of settler colonialism demonstrates how the exclusion of Indigenous peoples from the realm of reason, what I call their ‘epistemic elimination,’ is not accidental, but integral to the settler colonial project of eliminating Indigenous presence. Using this characterization of settler ignorance, I evaluate the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in terms of its ability to accomplish its mandate of “establishing and maintaining respectful relationships” between Indigenous peoples and settler Canadians. I conclude that the TRC fails on its own terms because it does not challenge epistemic assumptions that prevent testimonies of residential school survivors to be heard as expressions of Indigenous refusal of settler authority. Without challenging these epistemic assumptions, testimonies cannot disrupt structural settler ignorance and so, cannot lead to meaningful reconciliation. Meaningful reconciliation requires of settlers a reparative transformation of epistemic assumptions that work to maintain a structural ignorance of past and ongoing settler colonial violence. The goal of what I call ‘reparative knowing’ is both a personal one and a critical intervention into how settlers can become epistemically responsible agents. In the context of ongoing settler colonial violence, reparative knowing involves a troubling of settler common sense, and so, a disruption of structural settler ignorance. Without such an understanding of settler ignorance and reparative knowing, an investigation into the aims and transformations of settler colonialism would remain incomplete.

Immigrant entrepreneurship’s social and political dimensions remain largely overlooked in leisure studies scholarship. In Canada, investigations of immigrant entrepreneurship have, with very few exceptions, been limited to the economic sphere. Through the theoretical work of Michel Foucault, critical discourse analysis, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation, in this dissertation I expose and explore the intersections between multicultural citizenship discourses and leisure-oriented non-European immigrant entrepreneurship in the Windsor-Essex region of southwestern Ontario. Written in the publishable paper format, this dissertation is comprised of three stand-alone papers: paper one illustrates how citizenship discourses produced and exercised through Canada’s Multiculturalism Act (Canada, 1988) simultaneously inhibit and enable immigrants’ leisure pursuits; paper two demonstrates how non-European immigrants use leisure-based entrepreneurship to affirm and resist constraints exercised through multicultural citizenship discourses; finally, paper three demonstrates how non-European immigrants use leisure-based entrepreneurship to expand their possibilities for recognition and equal rights in the social, cultural, and political spheres of Canadian society. My findings indicate that leisure-based entrepreneurship is an important site for immigrant minorities’ civic engagement. It is a space and a medium to express and sustain distinctive cultural traditions and practices. Further, it serves as a strategy for immigrant minorities to break down barriers and create opportunities for themselves and others to participate in and experience a wide range of leisure traditions and practices. In short, through this dissertation I show that leisure-based entrepreneurship is a technique employed by immigrant minorities to assert their membership in Canadian society and to lay claims to full and equal citizenship rights. Leisure-oriented immigrant entrepreneurship, I argue, is an important site for active citizenship.

À partir d’une approche généalogique et à la lumière des théories sur le multiculturalisme, ce travail analyse le musée en tant qu’institution publique nationale, fabrique d’identités, instrument de l’État-nation et lieu d’exercice des politiques de reconnaissance. L’objet de cette recherche est le musée d’ethnographie et des cultures qui depuis les années ’80 a été témoin de nombreuses critiques et d’une crise d’identité, du fait notamment de son héritage colonial et de sa mission anachronique dans le contexte du monde postcolonial et globalisé d’aujourd’hui. Suite aux mouvements des peuples autochtones et au développement des normes internationales relatives à la diversité culturelle et au retour des biens culturels promues par différentes agences des Nations Unies comme l’UNESCO ainsi que par les institutions européennes, les musées d’ethnographie sont devenus des théâtres où se négocient et se construisent des identités et où s’arbitrent les demandes de reconnaissance. De nouvelles stratégies institutionnelles ont ainsi été adoptées afin de dépasser le modèle ethnographique. Le principe de reconnaissance est notamment une clé de lecture essentielle pour interpréter et comprendre ce changement de paradigme. En suivant une perspective pluridisciplinaire et à travers des études de cas en Europe et aux États-Unis, ce travail vise à établir une passerelle entre la philosophie politique et la muséologie. Il propose ainsi une analyse de différentes institutions selon quatre principes de reconnaissance concernant le cas des peuples autochtones, le rapport à l’universalisme, la relation à l’histoire coloniale et la globalisation. / Through a genealogical approach and in the context of theories on multiculturalism, this work intends to analyse museums as public institutions, builders of identity, nation-state instruments and venues for the exercise of politics of recognition. The following research focuses on ethnographic and cultural museums, which have subject to criticism since the1980's due to their colonial legacy and anachronic mission in today's global and post-colonial world. Thanks to indigenous people movements and the development by European institutions and UN agencies such as UNESCO of international norms on cultural diversity and return of cultural property, museums have turned into theatres where indentities are builtand claims for recognition are negotiated. As a result, new institutional strategies have been adopted in order to go beyond the ethnographic approach. The principle of recognition is key to understand this paradigm shift. Following a pluridisciplinary approach and through case studies in Europe and in the United States, this work aims at building a bridge between political philosophy and museum studies. It proposes an analysis of various institutions based on four principles of recognition in relation to indigeneous peoples, universalism, colonial history and globalisation.

Submitted by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-04-25T12:15:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 barbarafernandesdesousa.pdf: 729508 bytes, checksum: 7649f9fa21879054a21b175b42104dc9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-04-25T12:22:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 barbarafernandesdesousa.pdf: 729508 bytes, checksum: 7649f9fa21879054a21b175b42104dc9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-25T12:22:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 barbarafernandesdesousa.pdf: 729508 bytes, checksum: 7649f9fa21879054a21b175b42104dc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-26 / PROQUALI (UFJF) / O presente estudo traz uma análise das Políticas do Reconhecimento e do direito à educação à luz das influências de três grandes filósofos: Axel Honneth, Charles Taylor e Paul Ricoeur. Cada um, a seu modo, contribui de forma especial para a composição de teorias normativas e éticas sobre o reconhecimento do sujeito que leva à conquista da autonomia, da capacidade e da dignidade de ser. A pesquisa visa demonstrar que o reconhecimento é tanto um pressuposto da educação (sob o aspecto formal) quanto a educação é um caminho para o reconhecimento material. A contribuição filosófica de Ricoeur ganha centralidade, pois amplia o horizonte do reconhecimento e não o restringe à ideia de luta. Ele inova com a lógica do dom, momento em que nos põe a refletir sobre a importância de se cultivar e estimular a troca de valores como a solicitude, o respeito, a cooperação e a gratidão na convivência social. Ademais, dissecando conceitos como identidade e autonomia, sempre em atenção à pessoa enquanto fundamento ontológico, é possível perceber a educação como o fio condutor que nos concede a chance de vivermos bem, em paz, com e para os outros, em instituições mais justas dentro de uma perspectiva ética. / This study focuses on analyzing the Politics of Recognition and the right to education under the influences of three great philosophers: Axel Honneth, Charles Taylor and Paul Ricoeur. Each of them, in their own way, give a special contribution to compose normative and ethical theories about the recognition of the subject that leads to reach the autonomy, the capacity and the dignity of being. The research aims to demonstrate that recognition is, on one hand, an assumption of education (under the formal aspect) and, on the other hand, education works to achieve the substantial recognition. The philosophical contribution of Ricoeur is essential, because it broadens the horizon of recognition and does not limit it by the idea of struggle/conflict. Ricoeur innovates with the economy of the gift, which puts us to reflect about the importance of cultivating and encouraging the exchange of such relevant values as care, respect, cooperation and gratitude in social life. Besides, dissecting concepts as identity and autonomy, focusing at the person in its ontological foundation, we can see education as the thread that gives us a chance to live a good life, in peace, with and for others, in just institutions under an ethical perspective.

本文旨在探討加拿大哲學家泰勒(Charles Taylor)的政治思想。泰勒政治思想深受個人身為英裔魁北克人、英加兩地學術薰陶、以及參與加拿大新民主黨活動等因素所影響，並與其亟欲建構哲學人類學之鴻圖，有著緊密的關係。泰勒反對笛卡兒式與洛克式的心靈理論，卻採取梅洛龐蒂的觀點，主張感知性知識乃是一種行動者知識的樣態，感知的內容從不是偶然地與世界連結，感知的主體是世界的化身，其身處的困境無法置外於其行動者的結構。泰勒更進一步抨擊當代自然主義假設背景祇不過是我們認知的因果性前提的看法，他主張背景乃是知識之先驗性、超越性的條件，但它不能完全地客體化，因為任何客觀的知識宣稱要被理解，其本身必需具備背景預設，這種反思之先驗性、超越性的層次充份顯示出客體化、表徵化世界的限制。泰勒遂借用加達瑪的視域融合概念來說明社會科學的詮釋邏輯，與自然科學的邏輯大異其趣。他更抨擊行為主義過度簡化人類的行為，竟將價值和實踐分離，導致價值和行動在具體生活經驗中的關聯性遭受排拒。泰勒更明確地批評原子式個人主義者的信念，也拒斥工具理性。泰勒因此提倡善的客觀性，強調人們與其道德經驗，從而建構其道德實在論。泰勒的政治理論則係挑戰現代以普遍主義為基礎的憲政民主制度之合理性，其批駁當代程序式的自由主義者對個人自主性之錯誤理解，並提出本真肯認之理論。從宗教、經濟、政治與道德等多元角度，泰勒爬梳西方現代性的源流，就中探討宗教在俗世政治中所扮演的角色，它竟成為政治認同的關鍵。他也追尋現代社會想像如何崛起，預視多元現代性的到臨。面對俗世時代人類處境，泰勒則導正孤傲人文主義之偏頗，企圖拯救大眾虛空無聊的生活。最後，本文對泰勒的理論在道德視域、政治哲學及現代性加以檢討，並以臺灣經驗的反省作結，期收他山之石，可以攻錯之效。

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:38:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Na pesquisa bibliográfica realizada e no raciocínio desenvolvido ao longo do texto, intenta-se discutir a fundamentação de uma Teoria da Constituição adequada à realidade brasileira marcada, por sua vez, pela imensa desigualdade social, bem como pela ausência de um Estado (social) capaz de implementar as promessas da modernidade e, consequentemente, de contribuir para a transformação da sofrível condição de vida de seus cidadãos. Para tanto, num primeiro momento, como tentativa de construção de um pano de fundo filosófico-político aborda-se o pensamento de alguns autores que se destacam atualmente nos estudos sobre a questão do reconhecimento político. A partir dessa base teórica, em seguida, discute-se a necessidade de concretização do projeto iniciado pela Constituição de 1988 que visa, dentre os seus principais objetivos, a ampla efetivação da cidadania no Brasil. Nesse percurso alguns temas são enfrentados como: o fortalecimento da idéia de Constitucionalismo Dirigente em face dos desafios globais, a nece / Taking into account this bibliographical research and the ideas developed throughout the text as well, this piece of work aims at discussing the fundamental line of a Constitutional theory adapted to the brazilian reality which is marked by its huge social difference then; not to mention the lack of a Welfare State unable to implement the promises of the modern times, and consequently, to contribute to change the hard life conditions of its citizens. Thus, to begin, as an attempt to construct a political and philosophical scenario, some thoughts of some important current authors that debate politics of recognition issues, will be used here. From this theoretical basis, and then the necessity of the realization of the project started by the Constitution of 1988 that intends, among its various objectives, a large execution of citizenship in Brazil will be argued. In this direction, some issues are faced as: the strengthen of the idea of Directing Constitutionalism before the global challenges, the need of carr