The main focus of this work is genocide in one of the former German colonies. German South West Africa, in the present day known as Namibia, faced such a frightening event at the beginning of 20th century that very few situations in human history can compare to it. This work tries to bring the reader closer to the situation in southwest Africa in the period of German colonialism, especially to the genocide of the Herero and Nama nations. The main goal of this diploma thesis is based on defining the term genocide and the description of contemporary events in German South West Africa. The key aim is to find certain connections between genocide committed by the German Empire in German South West Africa and genocide perpetrated several decades later by Nazi Germany in Eastern Europe during Second Word War.

After Berlin Conference in 1884 to 1885, Somalia was partitioned into five parts by Britain, Italy, and French. In 1960 two parts gained independence and formed the Somali Republic, and since then successive Somali governments sought to incorporate the other three parts of Somali territories under Ethiopia, Kenya and French Somaliland known as Djibouti into Greater Somalia.The aim of this study has been to explore and analyze the causes, and the impact of the Somalia’ irredentism on political stability in Somalia. In more specifically, the main objective has been to critically examine how Somali irridentism policy has been pursued, what challenges faced and how it has affected the political stability of the post-colonial Somali state from 1960 to 1990.The analysis presented in this study has shown that the causes of Somali irredentism are combined factors that helped rise Somali irredentism. The analysis has argued that Somalia’s quest for irredentism policy had a huge impact on Somalia’s political stability, including, but not limited to, creating enemies and alienating allies from neighbouring countries to western and eastern blocs, as well as interstate conflict with Ethiopia which ended with Somalia defeat. Finally, Somalia’s defeat, which resulted from irredentism’s venture, caused disunity among the national army, refugee crisis, financial burden and the rise of armed opposition movements that finally ousted the military regime led by Siad Barre. This was followed by state collapse and protracted civil war.

The diploma thesis Fashoda Crisis as a Path to Franco-British Reconciliation? deals with the event of Fashoda crisis, the events that had preceded the conflict and the consequences on the Franco-British relations at the dawn of 19th century. The main objective of the thesis is to clarify the background, later development, and the outcome of the event. Throughout the thesis am focusing on the historical background with emphasis on the colonization of Egypt and its importance in the Franco-British relations. I am also putting the emphasis on clarifying the possible reasons that led to the Fashoda crisis as well as on introducing the main protagonists and their plans to take advantage of the crisis. The thesis than chronologically continues to evaluate the critical months at the end of 1898 and the beginning of 1899, which could be understood as the culmination point of the crisis. The thesis also tries to assess the mood and opinion of the public in both countries in the course of the crisis and even after signing the accords that put an end to this quarrel. At least I am trying to define and to evaluate the impact and influence of this specific event on the latter development of international relations between the two countries and also, I am trying to answer the question whether the Fashoda crisis...

Indigenous autonomy, self-government and self-determination have historically been an area of conflict within the settler colonial state of Canada. This thesis aims to analyze critically the Canadian state’s alleged progressive nature in regard to nation-to-nation relations as well as the discourses that portray Canadian society as fostering Indigenous rights. Grounded in previous research and contextual background, this study uses the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to investigate how Canadian media produces and reproduces discourse around the issues connected with Indigenous resistance since the ‘Oka Crisis’ of 1990, based on the selected material published by The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. The findings illustrate that while liberal-influenced narratives have improved, significant identification of decolonization within Canada’s media was not found and the structures of settler colonialism remain largely unchanged.

J.M. Coetzee’s Disgrace was published during a defining moment in South African history in 1999. Five years earlier Nelson Mandela had been elected president after the first general election. The healing process in a country divided by race and a history marked by racial crimes, committed under long time by collective actions of many generations of colonizers, was a decisive historical necessity. Disgrace illustrates the economical and emotional mechanisms of sexual exploitation of women in post-apartheid South African society. Those socioeconomic mechanisms are fueled by postcolonial hate, making the reconciliation process difficult in the new democracy. The aim of this bachelor project is to show how Coetzee’s Disgrace contextualizes the collective humanitarian guilt and disgrace caused by sexual oppression of woman and illustrates the challenges that post-apartheid South Africa faces to reconcile with the racial crimes committed during apartheid when sexual crimes continue under the historical shadow of colonial power and postcolonial hatred.

Our value of people and craft are linked. With the rise of fast production  industry, and the lack of transparency when it comes to a role of consumption, we have become detached from making processes. This detachment is  detrimental to our understanding and empathy for other people but also to ourselves. It perpetuates disposable ways of living and keeps us reliant on  disposable consumption.  Craft is an undervalued tool which can be utilised in historical learning as well  as anthropological study today. In doing so, we are able to understand more about humanity by inspecting craft through the ‘three facet’ lens. We are then  able to develop empathy for other people and other cultures, through the non- tangible space created during the process of crafting. For those who do craft,  this recognition is empowering and enables cultural ownership. It also empowers us as individuals, when we are able to produce something ourselves  and physically see the learning process.  This means we can recognise who has made our objects, and appreciate the  time, skill and commitment which goes into the undertaking. This encourages us to appreciate objects, to consider our ways of living and move away from  disposable consumption.  Through a comparison of the relationship to craft that is held in Peru, with that  of the relationship we hold in the UK, and broadened by my experience living and teaching in Sweden, I conclude that industrialisation and colonialism has a  role to play, but ultimately, the power and potential of craft, is physically in our own hands.  I propose using the ‘three facets’; Utility, Aesthetics and Connectivity, as a way to break down the information documented through craft, to analyse, at a deep  level, what can be gained from craft appreciation.

In this essay, I am analyzing hip hop lyrics from Immortal Technique. The main focus is to connect the context of the lyrics to postcolonial theory. The theory paramount to the analysis has been Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s essay Can the Subaltern Speak? My work aims to provide evidence that Immortal Technique’s rap lyrics contextualize colonial, economic and racist structures of power in a manner that has equal merit as intellectual postcolonial theorizing, and we should therefore ask the question of whether or not including street poetry and rap lyrics in the postcolonial discourse can help solve the problem of representation? The essay’s focus is three formulated key concepts centered around power, ideology and the view of women.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (hereafter, NATO) invasion of Libya in 2011 demonstrated and revealed the operative logics and technologies of global coloniality. Global coloniality names the trans-historic expansion of colonial domination and the perpetuation of its effects in contemporary times. This thesis critically examines how coloniality of power was manifested in the invasion of Libya by NATO forces in 2011. Deploying a decolonial epistemic perspective, the thesis delves deeper into the invisible colonial matrices of power, and in the process exposing and unmasking the very conditions that made the invasion possible in the first place. The decolonial epistemic perspective combines historical and world systems analyses to shed light on the convergences of local histories and global designs in creating conflicts. At the centre of the concept of coloniality of power is control, expressed in four main levers of analysis, namely: control of authority, control of the economy, control of knowledge and subjectivity and control of gender and sexuality. At the centre of global colonial matrices of power, is the United Nations (UN), which is controlled by the few powerful states of the Global North with veto power. The UN is used to justify liberal imperial invasions. Libya just like Iraq before it, and Venezuela today, are victims of neo-liberal imperialist onslaught. What emerges in this thesis is how global coloniality has appropriated liberal discourses of liberal democracy and human rights to justify liberal imperialism. The main findings are that a Euro-North American-centric power configuration was challenged by Qaddafi’s introduction of the gold-backed dinar currency, the pursuit of acquiring a telecommunications satellite for information and knowledge-creation for Africa, Qaddafi’s rising popularity in Africa and the Global South, and Qaddafi’s conception and position on women-empowerment, thereby redefining the conception of gender and sexuality, which was antithetical to a Euro-North America-centric worldview. As a result, the delinquent Qaddafi had to be punished and eliminated. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Political Sciences / PhD International Relations / Unrestricted

What exactly is the status quo of women in Africa? Women’s selfhood has been systematically subordinated or outright denied by law, customary practices, and cultural stereotypes. Scholars like Judith Bennet suggest that religious practices and colonial rule subjugate African women. Patriarchal ideologies guide the society’s discrimination against women and this has influenced the status of women, especially married women and the way they respond in times of affliction. Authors like Chimamanda Adichie and Mariama Ba in their fictional novels The Purple Hibiscus and So Long a Letter focus on capturing the struggles and conditions of women in the Western African society. Through their protagonists, they explore various issues such as patriarchy and the influence of religion on the lives African women. This thesis aims to examine the notion of a single story and how and why African women accept or oppose the patriarchal status quo.

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