Denna artikel försöker utveckla Sara Ahmeds forskning om fenomenologi för att inkludera en fenomenologisk separation av kropp och hud för att förstå pågående kolonialism i Australien/Country. Det hävdas att kolonisatörens misstro till den koloniserade personens kunskapsproduktionen har lett till att kolonisatören har skapat en imaginär grundläggande nationsberättelse. Det hävdas vidare att kolonialismen kommer att fortsätta fram tills att kolonisatören kan skapa en verklig grundläggande nationsberättelse och i sin tur kan detta inte ske förrän den koloniserade personens kunskapsproduktion erkänns. / This paper is attempting to develop Sara Ahmed’s research on phenomenology to include a phenomenological separation of body and skin in order to understand ongoing colonialism in Australia/Country. It is argued that coloniser rejection of colonisee knowledge production has led to a coloniser imaginary foundational narrative. Further, it is argued, colonialism cannot come to an end until the coloniser can create a real foundational narrative and, in turn, this cannot occur until colonisee knowledge production is acknowledged.

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This study addresses the decolonial program of the French party Les Indigènes de la République (PIR). By means of contemporary concepts of Coloniality, Decoloniality and decolonial resistance as theoretical framework and a qualitative content analysis as method for this study thirty articles of PIR authors that have been published from 2016 to 2018 are analysed in regard to the party’s particular understanding of racial inequality in French society, its conception of a decolonial society and its’ strategy for systemic change. The study asserts, how the PIR identifies a continuity of colonial ideology in the form of white universalism and supremacy as the source of racism in contemporary France and how it envisages an alternative, decolonial society based on multiversalism, cultural multiplicity and the refusal of hegemonic attitudes of one identity group towards another. Although the PIR is open for decolonial alliances the analysis shows, that the party insists on a primary non-white identity of its decolonial movement. The research concludes, that practical steps have to be taken in order to reach the PIR’s objective of a decolonial society.

This thesis will provide an analysis of the current Parliament building in Beirut, which is called Majlis an-Nuwwab, and was built by the French colonial state that ruled over Lebanon. It will examine to what extent it has theoretically contributed to the mediation of the French colonial power over Lebanon, through the analytical framework provided by Njoh and Bigon, along with a theoretical framework offered by Kim Dovey. The data was obtained first-hand during a ten-day visit to the city of Beirut, employing primary observation and is in the form of personally obtained photographs of the object of analysis, namely Lebanon’s Parliament building. Further, this research has been conducted due to the lack of academic discussion and literature regarding the relationship between colonial power structures and colonial architecture in the Middle East.In accordance to the analytical and theoretical framework, this study demonstrates that Lebanon’s Parliament building, along with its urban context, can theoretically be understood as operating as the mediator for military, cultural and socio-psychological power as the most prominent ones. Additionally, traits of economic and politico-administrative power were also found to be theoretically mediated through the designs of the Parliament building, although not to the same extent as the previously mentioned powers.

This thesis is concerned with the Canadian state’s rhetoric of reconciliation, the logic of exceptionality that supports it, and the ways this logic helps soften Indigenous communities for resource development. In formulating my theoretical framework, I draw from Agamben’s theories of sovereignty and states of exception, Mark Rifkin’s reworking of Agamben’s theories to accommodate a settler-colonial context, Pauline Wakeham’s application of the logic of exceptionality to rhetorics of apology and terrorism, and Glen Coulthard’s concepts of translation (as the attempt to bring Indigenous discourses and life ways into the realm of a Western/settler-colonial discourse of state sovereignty) and grounded normativity (as a way of making visible the contingency of such narratives of state sovereignty). Following the work of James Tully and John Borrows in Resurgence and Reconciliation, particularly the argument that transformative reconciliation must involve reconciliation with the living earth, my project aims to show that official reconciliation actually prevents the possibility of transformative reconciliation because of the role it plays in furthering an extractivist agenda by “exceptionalizing" Indigenous peoples and life-ways to rhetorically contain Indigenous anti-colonial or anti-industry actions, physically contain Indigenous dissenters during moments of crisis (i.e. states of exception), pre-emptively frame Indigenous dissenters as terroristic, and foreclose discussions of ongoing colonialism. / Graduate

With this thesis, I will utilize both feminist and queer theory to highlight the gendered and bodily tactics used by the women of the 1970s/1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army. I will explore how women can both manipulate gender and use their bodies as a response to gender, ethnic, class, and colonial power relations and conflict discourses, the limitations of these approaches, and how these actions can work to reconfigure political movements, local cultures, and create a space for social change and a future beyond conflict which includes women. My methods will include a feminist content analysis of interviews, written records, narrative/visual texts, material culture, and social interactions. These narratives will relate to the Irish Troubles, violence, nationalism, colonialism, militarization, and subjectivity, with a focus on gender. Following a theoretical approach, I first will provide an historical perspective on the Irish Troubles. I then will discuss those women who joined the ranks of the Provisionals, the discourses surrounding their political action, as well as their manipulation of gender constructions. I also will provide the reader with an historical examination of feminine national images such as Mother-Ireland to which many women found themselves accountable. I also will examine the effects of surveillance and gendered punishment on Republican women, particularly when imprisoned and under the guard of British men and women, as well as the agency asserted by these Republican women. Lastly, I discuss the ways in which constructions of conflict and peace become inscribed with notions of gender, as well as value of Republican women's lives and actions in the development of viable feminist theories, practices, and movements.

In recent years I have been working on topics related to Post-colonialism in South America, as well as the conditions of immigrants in Europe. The main interest of my work involves questions about my roots and personal stories of migration. This situation has been the engine of my art for the last ten years. Through my installations, I have tried to express or represent some certain facts, that have marked the post-colonial situation in Latin America and Europe over the last years.  The slavery and exploitation of illegal labor are common working conditions for many people in South America, especially for those located in the jungles and slums. The Indigenous culture -its languages, values and traditions- have begun to disappear and been displaced by Western culture. Here in Europe, on the other hand, I feel 'alien' to the territory of my ancestors, due to the fact that my family comes from European immigrants in Argentina. Illegal labor has been also a part of my life, having experienced the condition of 'otherness' in Europe. Therefore, this project reflects upon my personal experience in relation to the unfair conditions of labor in autochthonous communities, researching the concept of 'otherness' taken from Post-colonial theories. It is for this purpose, that my methodologies include self-reflection, parallelism and metaphor. One of my purposes is toreveal those 'fake stories' used by the European acculturation in South America. I called these fake stories 'strategies', as they were used by the Colony for the reconstruction of a new National Identity in those countries. Therefore, convincing the Indigenous culture to adopt Western culture. The parts of my essay are a metaphor of different stages of narcotic's production, best called 'mobile labs' of the Amazon jungle.I have taken this concept to tell my story and to build up the laboratory as final representation. The first stage of this process is to weigh and measure the ingredients, followed by a mixture of substances and chemicals. Once mixed, it proceeds to three stages of filtering and purification. Then it is subjected to a press for semi-solid consistency and introduced into the oven to reach the compact state. The blocks will finally be packed with plastic film and adhesive tape, protecting them from adverse environmental conditions during transport and storage. Each chapter of this essay is also connected to the 'machines' constructed for my solo exhibition, following the same steps of Purification. Through this essay, I wanted to broaden my concept relating three main aspects: the colonial strategies of domination in South America, my personal work experience in Europe, and finally the unfair working conditions in marginal societies. Each of the 'machines' constructed for my installation is functional, ready to be activated according to the different parts of the cooking process and as a representation of a 'production line' in the system of labor. I also have chosen to wrap my body, as well as carefully chosen representative objects of the popular culture of South America, to finally pack them in cling film. As a result of this process of Purification, I have produced the 'final products' ready to be consumed here in the Western European countries.

abstract: The primary aim of this dissertation is to make a substantial contribution to the better understanding of the identity formations of Black Caribbean migrant women in Britain. The dissertation outlines a theory of Black female subject formation in Britain. This theory proposes that the process of subject formation in these women is an interrupted one. It further suggests that interruptions are likely to occur at four crucial points in the development of their identities. These four points are: 1) the immigrant identity; 2) the Caribbean identity; 3) “the Jamaican” identity; and 4) the Black British identity. In order to understand the racial and gendered dynamics of identity formation in these women, I hypothesized that the structure of institutional racism in Britain has taken the form of a “double wall” or a “double portcullis”, which much be scaled by these “immigrants”. My research, based on interviews with 15 Black professional women who identify with a Caribbean ancestry, confirmed very strongly the existence of this double portcullis. It further supported the hypothesis that the above points of identity transition were also points of possible interruption. My research also revealed that through a variety of social movements, cultural and political mobilizations, it has been possible to get over the negative stereotypes of the immigrant identity, the Caribbean identity, “the Jamaican” identity and to succeed getting over the first or the Black British wall of the double portcullis. For me, the most interesting findings of my research, are the continuing difficulties that the women I interviewed have faced in attempting to climb over the second portcullis to achieve the Black English identity. The dissertation concludes with some suggestions about the future of this “unfinished” Black British identity and its prospects for easier access to the Black English identity, and thus to “life success”. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Justice Studies 2019

As knowledge about the constellating set of environmental and social crises stemming from the neoliberal global food regime becomes more pressing and popularized among US consumers, it has brought Indigenous actors asserting their political sovereignty and treaty rights with regards to their homelands into new collaborations, contestations, and negotiations with settlers in emerging food politics domains. In this dissertation, I examine solidarities and affinities being forged between Coast Salish and settler food actors in Puget Sound, attending specifically to how contested sovereignties are submerged but at play in these relations and how settler desires for belonging on and to stolen Indigenous lands animate liberal and radical food system politics. The dissertation presents my ethnographic fieldwork in South Puget Sound over a period of 18 months with two related Coast Salish food sovereignty projects that brought Indigenous and settler food actors into weedy collaborations. One was a curriculum development project for Native and regional youth focused on the revitalization of Coast Salish plant landscapes, knowledge, pedagogies, and systems of reciprocity. The other was a campaign to counter the introduction of genetically engineered salmon into US food markets and coastal production facilities across the Western Hemisphere, which I situate within longstanding salmon-centered social and political struggles in Coast Salish territories in the context of Indigenous/settler-state relations. Throughout these engagements, I identified how multicultural, anti-racist, and anti-capitalist food movement frameworks share in common with neoliberal nature privatization schemes modes of disavowing the geopolitics of Indigenous sovereignty within the US settler state. The research reveals patterns in how Coast Salish food actors push back against the ways settler food actors are plugged into settler colonial governmentality. These insights, in turn, helped to make legible how inherited liberal mythologies of the nation-state and legal orders rooted in the doctrine of terra nulliuslimit the stakes of food system work in terms of inclusion and equality, and miss their collusion with structures that unmake the human-land relationships that Coast Salish people define as existential and (geo)political. In my analysis, I engage Indigenous critiques of settler colonialism to complicate Marxian, Deleuzian, and Foucauldian analyses of North American alternative food politics, while doubling back to consider the ways the disavowal of ongoing Indigenous dispossession functions across these literatures and the social practices they influence, ultimately to consider how food-centered scholarship, environmentalism, and politics in North America stand to be transformed by what I argue is a Coast Salish ‘politics of refusal’. This project is unique in attending to how settler colonial theory, Indigenous critical theory, and Indigenous politics in North America enrich and complicate the literatures provincializing the Nature-Culture divide, as well as a largely Marxian and antiracist critical food studies literature. It contributes to settler colonial studies as a project of redefinition for the study of US politics and society while specifically bringing that interdisciplinary project into the ambit of North American critical food studies scholarship.