The aim of this essay is to investigate how development projects, funded by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, include communication in the project cycle and if it affects their results. The research will take place in Guatemala and will be based on a comparative study in which the program evaluations conducted by the Swedish Embassy, responsible for distributing the funding, will be used to choose two projects: one regarded as successful and the other unsuccessful. By interviewing and conducting surveys with staff members from the embassy, NGO personnel that worked with the project as well as community members affected by the projects, the aim is to get a full picture of the projects themselves as well as the different personal experiences of the projects to allow for a discussion concerning communication for development, participation and governmentally funded development work. The conclusion is that there does not seem to be a defined way in which Sida-funded projects include participatory communication in the project cycle even though it is mentioned and discussed in connection to a project. The comparison of the two local initiatives indicate that defining a method and tools which allows the Embassies to better control and structure in terms of participatory communication are likely to increase the sustainability of the projects.

This netnography depicts the notions of India’s subaltern voices entering the public via social media. The study puts an emphasis on feminists and caste critics, divided into two case studies. The study witnessed dynamics of Twitter use between sociality and activism as well as the notions of performance and identity of these two intersecting, yet polarised groups.Privilege remains a governing factor, which regulates access, accessibility and the use of the subaltern sphere and makes it exclusive for a privileged group of the subaltern. The main benefits of Twitter in the subaltern sphere, as the study suggests, is the factor of sociality and networking around causes, which leads to peer dialogue in the public sphere and increases visibility. This eventually leads to more attention for certain causes in the public discourse and to the countering of mainstream media narratives, for example in the case study of the Dalit Lives Matter Movement and its ad hoc fame, which evolved after the suicide of the Dalit PhD scholar Rohith Vemula.Further, while online activism is present, its impact remains hard to measure. The main benefits of the space are the plurality of voices that inhabit it. Also, the unleashing of the counter­narratives towards the mainstream media that are even more controlled by the state than the new media landscape, is an important benefit.

The presence of atheists within the Muslim world has begun to receive global attention after a number of cases in which atheist bloggers and writers in majority Muslim countries were killed for criticising Islam. The rise in number of Arab atheist Facebook groups has sparked conversation about the rise in number of atheists across the Arab world, and to what extent the use of social media platforms has facilitated this. This study examines 2 such Facebook groups and aims to explore the way in which social media platforms can be used to bring a geographically diverse group of people together to form a collective group identity, and to provoke societal change. The research was conducted using qualitative data, gathered using open ended interview and survey questions, alongside quantitative data which was gathered from closed survey questions and raw survey data in an attempt to understand how communication technology is used by these groups to form a collective identity among their members and to achieve shared objectives. The study lies within the frame of new social movement theory, with particular focus on the ever evolving role which online communications can play in developing aspects of a given society.The results showed that social media had given members from both groups the ability to share experiences, develop a collective identity, and utilise their new found visibility to provide the voices of atheists in the Arab world with an authority which they had been lacking. The study found that the freedom for atheists to unite online in large number was exposing closeted atheists as well as practising Muslims to opinions which would not have been as vocalised in the real world. The freedom for both parties to involve themselves in the group has reflected some of the difficulties faced in the real world, but has importantly opened up a dialogue and is working toward the acceptance of atheism within majority Muslim societies.

This study uncovers the reactions and responses of Swedish civil society organisations to the abolition of the Swedish feminist foreign policy. Sweden, a pioneer in 2014 as the first country to develop and adopt a feminist foreign policy, took a surprising turn in 2022 by becoming the first to abolish it. Through qualitative methods of document analysis and key informant interviews, this study aims to understand how these crucial foreign affairs actors responded to this policy shift. The findings reveal deep-seated disappointment and concern about the negative development of Sweden’s foreign affairs, as the government dismantled Sweden’s gender equality commitments without offering new, measurable strategies. By engaging with feminist international relations theory, the results illuminate potential regression in global gender equality achievements, human rights, and democratic values as the government severs dialogical and financial ties with civil society.