This study examines the illustrations that appear at the Office of the Dead in English Books of Hours, and seeks to understand how text and image work together in this thriving culture of commemoration to say something about how the English understood and thought about death in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Office of the Dead would have been one of the most familiar liturgical rituals in the medieval period, and was recited almost without ceasing at family funerals, gild commemorations, yearly minds, and chantry chapel services. The Placebo and Dirige were texts that many people knew through this constant exposure, and would have been more widely known than other 'death' texts such as the Ars Moriendi. The images that are found in these books reflect wider trends in the piety and devotional practice of the time. The first half of the study discusses the images that appear in these horae, and the relationship between the text and image is explored. The funeral or vigil scene, as the most commonly occurring, is discussed with reference to contemporary funeral practices, and ways of reading a Book of Hours. Other iconographic themes that appear in the Office of the Dead, such as the Roman de Renart, the Pety Job, the Legend of the Three Living and the Three Dead, the story of Lazarus, and the life of Job, are also discussed. The second part of the thesis investigates the musical elaborations of the Office of the Dead as found in English prayer books. The Office of the Dead had a close relationship with music, which is demonstrated through an examination of the popularity of musical funerals and obits, as well as in the occurrence of musical notation for the Office in a book often used by the musically illiterate. The development of the Office of the Dead in conjunction with the development of the Books of Hours is also considered, and places the traditions and ideas that were part of the funeral process in medieval England in a larger historical context.

Mestrado em Arte Multimédia / Biografia e Autobiografia Universal: para um modelo de análise dos rituais de produção e consumo na arte multimédia trata do estudo e análise de formas alternativas que questionam o modo como criamos a nossa memória cultural colectiva por meio de objectos e rituais. O campo de investigação aqui exposto permanece distinto da História ou Crítica da arte. A abordagem aos rituais é realizada pelo do ponto de vista sócio-cultural, ambicionando reconhecer um modelo de profusão cultural. Inicialmente, é analisado o papel da memória na construção de conteúdos culturais. Com esse intuito, é discutida a validade de dispositivos externos, como a hermenêutica e os rituais nessa construção. Abordando temas gerais como a Memória, Cultura e Linguagem estabelecem-se dicotomias entre Hermenêutica e Rituais, Texto e Imagem, de modo a perceber uma evolução dos rituais tradicionais para rituais contemporâneos em actividades artísticas. É questionado, nos rituais contemporâneos, o seu potencial de, como manifestações performativas, que se centram no indivíduo, constituírem o formato privilegiado para uma linguagem transversal, independente de religiões, nacionalidade, ou grupo. Sendo a investigação desenvolvida no âmbito do Mestrado em Arte Multimédia, avançou-se por uma análise de propostas artísticas que discutem a amplitude dos conceitos de multimédia e performance. A presença do subtítulo Para um modelo de análise dos rituais de produção e consumo na arte multimédia representa um enquadramento da dinâmica presente nos rituais contemporâneos em manifestações de trabalho artístico de tendência biográfica e autobiográfica. A reflexão sobre o modelo de interpretação e análise é realizada perante o corpo de trabalho das artistas: Tracey Emin, Mona Hatoum e Morgan O Hara, procurando indagar se os seus trabalhos têm a capacidade de se caracterizarem como dispositivos de memória. / Universal Biography and Autobiography: for a model of analysis of the rituals of production and consumption in multimedia art regards the study and analysis of alternative forms of questioning how we create our collective cultural memory through objects and rituals. The field of investigation here shown stands apart from areas of History or Art criticism. The approach to rituals is made from the Socio-cultural view point, aspiring to recognize a model of cultural profusion. Foremost, the role of memory in the construction of cultural content is here analyzed. With that intent, the validity between external devices, such as hermeneutics and rituals, is discussed on that construction. Approaching broad themes such as Memory, Culture, Language, dichotomies between Hermeneutics and Rituals, Text and Image are established to understand an evolution from traditional rituals to contemporary ones in artistic activity. It is questioned and suggested that contemporary rituals, with their potential of being performative manifestations that centre on the individual, constitute a privileged format for a transverse language, independent of religion, nationality or group. Being the investigation developed in the scope of the Master in Multimedia Art, an analysis of artistic proposals was followed, that discusses the breadth of the multimedia and performance concepts. The presence of the sub-heading For a model of analysis of the rituals of production and consumption in multimedia art , represents a framing of the dynamic which is present on contemporary rituals in biographical and autobiographical artistic work. Pondering about the model of interpretation and analyses is made in the presence of the body of work of the artist: Tracey Emin, Mona Hatoum and Morgan O Hara, seeking to inquest if their work can be characterized as a memory agent.

The tragic and devastating September 11 attacks resulted in a variety of original musical responses. Exemplary works expressed their reactions through overt 9/11-concentric dialogues to express themes of mourning, military retribution, dissent and commemoration. An examination of such works concludes that effective musical responses express a direct message clarified by supporting musical and/or textual materials. Musical materials can accentuate the specific thematic message of the responsive work as they often evoke images and emotions reminiscent of the attacks and their aftermath. Compositional techniques used in these works are often reminiscent of historical works written in similar circumstances. The recurrence of these historical approaches illuminates the timeless compositional design of historical examples and exemplifies modern advancements in music composition and production. A comparison between classical and popular post-9/11 musical compositions concludes that certain classical and popular genres deal with responsive themes more effectively than others. A recommendation for further study is enclosed.

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This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.