In this project I evaluated the effect of social dominance on reconciliation and forgiveness. Based on studies of nonhuman primates, it was hypothesized that humans would be more likely to accept and reciprocate conciliatory gestures when made by more socially dominant people. It was also hypothesized that the moderating effect of relative dominance on a victim?s decision to forgive would not be as strong as relative dominance?s effect on a victim?s decision to reconcile. This hypothesis was based on the expectation that reconciliation is most essential for gaining access to transgressor-controlled resources. However, conciliatory gestures by less dominant transgressors more effectively elicited forgiveness and reconciliation, as these gestures were evidently more successful at making victims feel safe. Also, relative dominance did not have a greater effect on victims? conciliatory behaviors than on forgiveness.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the post-conflict reconciliation, consolation, solicited affiliation, stress and redirection in the captive Formosan macaques¡]Macaca cyclopis¡^in the Taipei Zoo. I used the post-conflict and matched-control (PC-MC) method to calculate the conciliatory tendency (CCT) and the triadic contact tendency (TCT) in adult macaques. The mean CCT for kin (83.33%) was significantly higher than that for non-kin (0.36%), and victims initiated reconciliation toward aggressors in higher rank classes significant more than both of them were in the same rank. The mean TCTs of aggressors and the victims were similar toward different triadic contact opponents (opponent¡¦s kin, own kin, unrelated individual). The ratio of the attracted pairs of victims who reconciled with aggressors by sociosexual behavior (15.23%) was significant higher than dispersed pairs (non-exist). In addition, the ratio of attracted pairs of victims who reconciled with unrelated third party by affiliation (46.72%) was significant higher than the dispersed pairs (21.76%). The similar situation also occurred in sociosexual behavior (28.68% verse 1.75%). However, aggressors and victims had similar chance to take the initiative affiliation after conflict (P > 0.05) The frequency of self-directed behavior (SDB) of Formosan macaques was slightly higher in the first 4 minutes in PC. The frequency of SDB after reconciliation (14.6 bouts/100 min) was not significantly lower than that before reconciliation (23.2 bouts/100 min) or when affiliation behavior did not occur (22.3 bouts/100 min). When the conflict opponents were kin, the SDB frequency (16.1 bouts/100 min) was not significantly lower than non-kin (24.1 bouts/100 min). The targets of redirect aggression were mostly unrelated individuals (82.61%). The mean CCT of the victims (16.50%) did not significant differ from the mean consolation TCT of the victims (48.81%), which indicated that reconciliation and consolation played similar critical roles after conflict. The sociosexual behavior performed by victims only occurred in PC (34.85%), which indicated the purpose of sociosexual behavior in reconciliation was to prevent further attack from aggressors. The chance of victims did not involve reconciliation and consolation, but solicited affiliation with a third party in PC was 23.32%. This indicated that the solicited affiliation might function to exchange the aggressive supports from the third party in the following conflicts.

Submitted by Caroline Falcao (caroline.rfalcao@ufpe.br) on 2017-05-09T15:49:57Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese Julio Cezar Gaudencio da Silva.pdf: 2494212 bytes, checksum: 444dd559077991f28c8988faa5d129c3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-09T15:49:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese Julio Cezar Gaudencio da Silva.pdf: 2494212 bytes, checksum: 444dd559077991f28c8988faa5d129c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-25 / O presente trabalho realizou uma reflexão acerca dos principais estudos que têm sido realizados pela ciência política brasileira e cujo foco central é a democracia no país. Todavia, dado o grande número de trabalhos que versam sobre essa questão, a opção feita foi por privilegiar os que enfatizam a dimensão institucionalista e a cultura política. Com ênfase nos aspectos epistemológicos, teóricos e metodológico, para assim identificar potencialidades e limitações do ponto de vista analítico. A partir daí, foram apresentadas algumas iniciativas de maior aproximação entre a vertente institucionalista e a vertente da cultura política, na tentativa de permitir a constituição de um cenário ainda mais fértil do ponto de vista das possibilidades de análise no campo da teoria democrática contemporânea e do próprio regime político adotado no Brasil. / This study conducted a reflection on the major studies that have been conducted by the Brazilian political science and whose central focus is the democracy in the country. However, given the large number of papers that deal with this issue, the choice was made to favor those that emphasize the size institutionalist and political culture. With emphasis on the epistemological, theoretical and methodological, thus identifying the potential and limitations of the analytical point of view. From there, we presented some initiatives to further integration between the strand and the strand of institutionalist political culture, in an attempt to allow the creation of a scenario even more fertile in terms of the possibilities of analysis in the field of contemporary democratic theory and the actual political regime adopted in Brazil.

The purpose of this study was to analyze and compare the agonistic behaviors and reconciliation in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques (Macaca cyclopis). The dominance style of Formosan macaques was compared with long-tailed, rhesus and Japanese macaques. I have used scan, focal sampling and ad libitum on aggressions of adult macaques. I have recorded post-conflict (PC) focal samplings on victims and compared those with matched control (MC) focal samplings. Agonistic behaviors had significantly higher frequency in captive than in free-ranging Formosan macaques. The frequencies of hostile and submission were significantly higher in captive than in free-ranging Formosan macaques. The captive adult females of higher rank had higher frequency of threat and hostile, and lower frequency of submission. Threat was the most frequent aggression (52-72%) expressed by both the captive and free-ranging adult monkeys. The victims in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques usually submitted immediately after aggression (82-89%). The proportion of counter aggression in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques were relative low (9-16%). The aqerage conciliatory tendency for adult Formosan macaques was 14.3% to 19.6%. The affiliative contacts in PC and MC in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques were striking that both preferred grooming. The Formosan macaques significantly reconciled more during PC than MC period both in captive and free-ranging conditions. In addition, both had significantly more attracted than dispersed PC-MC pairs. The conciliatory tendencies in captive and free-ranging Formosan macaques were similar regardless of kin and non-kin partners. This study indicated that Formosan macaques were close to the macaques of Fascicularis group. Therefore, Formosan macaques had a despotic dominance style as suggested by Phylogenetic hypotheses.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:19:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luis Gustavo de Paiva Leao.pdf: 803119 bytes, checksum: 0835b2ee448fa734c46c054ba964661f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-29 / Through a brief analysis of the historical origins of the contract, taking into account as party settlements with the State endorsement, observed in its practical applications, we intend to analyze the collapse in the objective basis of contracts, verifying the consequence of such breakaway, both in the jurisprudence as in the social relations involved, and as the interpretative possibilites of such issue. The relevance of the subject is shown by itself, once the contemporary society is contractarian in almost all respects, and the non compliance of the contractual terms is a result of numerous disorders that cause impact on the harmony of social life in all spheres: familiar level up to the governmental. Themes such as autonomy and contractual liberty come up against issues that need ethical-political reviews. As the main objective remains the characterization of how, when and under what circumstances it is possible to affirm that there was a collapse in the objective basis of the contract, and diagnosed such collapse, how to proceed in such situation: there will be a possibility of establishing a new agreement or just be left to setting penalties and compensations. The secondary objectives point to the identification of direct and indirect effects regarding the situation, and in the action of laws to this type of occurrence. The method that will be used is the deductive method in order to develop the research, being the review of literature on the theme the basic source to enrich discussions in the invitation to authors that have already leaned on the theme in books, articles, theses and further dissertations / Por meio de uma sucinta análise das origens históricas do contrato, considerado enquanto acerto de partes com aval do Estado, observado em suas aplicações práticas, pretende-se analisar a quebra da base objetiva dos contratos, verificando as consequências desta ruptura tanto na jurisprudência como nas relações sociais envolvidas, bem como as possibilidades interpretativas da questão. A relevância do tema se demonstra por si só, vez que a sociedade contemporânea é contratualista em quase todos os aspectos, e a não observância dos termos contratuais é causa de inúmeros transtornos que impactam sobre a harmonia da vida social em todas as esferas: do nível familiar ao governamental. Temas como a autonomia e a liberdade contratual esbarram em questões que necessitam de revisões ético-políticas. Como objetivo principal subsiste a caracterização de como, quando e em que circunstâncias se pode alegar que houve a quebra da base objetiva do contrato, e, diagnosticada esta quebra como se procede diante da situação: haverá possibilidade do estabelecimento de novo acordo ou apenas restará a configuração de penas e ressarcimentos. Os objetivos secundários apontam para a identificação de efeitos diretos e indiretos da situação, e na ação das leis para este tipo de ocorrência. Será utilizado o método dedutivo para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa, sendo a revisão da literatura sobre o tema a fonte básica para o enriquecimento das discussões, no convite a autores que já se debruçaram sobre o assunto em livros, artigos, teses e demais dissertações

Fundação de Apoio a Pesquisa e à Inovação Tecnológica do Estado de Sergipe - FAPITEC/SE / The present work analyses the manifestations of June 2013 and the established relations amongst the historical mechanisms that give functionality to the idea of conciliatory pact as roots that ground Brazilian political structure along our history. In order to do so, we engaged on the analysis of three moments of our recent history under the light of some Marxist categories which provide us with a stream of dialogue between these moments, keeping as a steady reference, the conducting wire of the conciliatory tradition in Brazilian contemporary politics and the meaning contained in June 2013 manifestations as denials that come “from above” (upper social classes) of these arrangements that have marked Brazilian politics. We started tracing a line from the democratic transition in the 1980s and how it was articulated “from above” through the perspective of the conciliatory tradition; in a second moment, we moved forward to the 1990s, to the inception of neoliberal politics in Brazil and how, after the dismantling of the State, strong results were generated in the political operating dynamics in Brazil, deepening a state of economical domination and political emptying based on social class conflicts and its interlocutions in the institutions, revealing a horizon of social regression. The Gramscian nature of the passive revolution is dislocated to the condition of counter-reformation, as a more understandable account on the meaning of neoliberal hegemony in Brazil and its singularities in the field of conciliatory politics. We partially finalized the works by attempting to summarize of today’s moment focusing on the manifestation of June 2013 and on the permanence of conciliatory politics in Brazilian politics, bringing up the contributions from the categories of this so called “upside down” hegemony and small politics hegemony, as much as attempting to interpret the manifestations in June 2013 as a rejection of Brazilian political structure and its conciliatory tradition. / O presente trabalho analisa as manifestações de junho de 2013 e as relações estabelecidas entre os mecanismos históricos que dão funcionalidade à ideia de pacto conciliatório enquanto raízes que fundamentam a estrutura política brasileira ao longo da nossa história. Para tanto, buscamos analisar três momentos de nossa história recente à luz de algumas categorias marxistas que nos possibilitam uma linha de diálogo entre esses momentos, sem perder como norte o fio condutor da tradição conciliatória na política brasileira contemporânea e o significado das manifestações de junho de 2013 enquanto negação destes arranjos “pelo alto” que marcam a política brasileira. Traçamos essa linha a partir da transição democrática nos anos 1980 e de como esta foi operada “pelo alto” na chave da tradição conciliatória; num segundo momento, nos remontamos aos anos 1990, à inserção das políticas neoliberais no Brasil e a como, a partir do desmonte do Estado, cria-se fortes resultados na dinâmica de se operar a política brasileira, aprofundando o quadro de ampla dominação econômica e esvaziamento da política baseada nos conflitos de classe e suas interlocuções na institucionalidade, inferindo um horizonte de regressão social. Desloca-se a categoria gramsciniana de “revolução passiva” para a de “contrarreforma”, como reflexão de melhor compreensão do significado da hegemonia neoliberal no Brasil e suas singularidades no espaço da política conciliatória. Finalizamos parcialmente os trabalhos com uma tentativa de síntese do tempo atual à luz das manifestações de junho de 2013 e da permanência da tradição conciliatória na política brasileira, trazendo as contribuições das categorias de “hegemonia às avessas” e “hegemonia da pequena política”, bem como uma tentativa interpretativa das manifestações de junho de 2013, enquanto negação da estrutura política brasileira e da sua tradição conciliatória.