The thesis deals with the problematics of institutional influence of an international organization (NATO), which is placed in the context of transformational processes of defence institutions of Armenia and Georgia reviewed as case-countries. The notion of defence institutions refers largely to ministries of defence and the national armed forces as key units of analysis that are exposed to multiple mechanisms and mods of external institutional influence, that of the Alliance. The objective of the study is to shed light on the dynamics of institutional cooperation between NATO and the case – countries and to highlight the underlying causes responsible for varying results of national compliance in a defined set of functional areas of defence common for Armenia and Georgia. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / Thèse en cotutelle avec l’Universität Bielefeld / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Purpose of this diploma thesis is to analyze foreign aid as a stabile part of nations expenditures of all developed countries since 60's. But at the same time foreign aid not being important enough for developed countries to manage it more effectively. This diploma thesis analyses among others development of different economic approaches on this topic, financial flows of this sort since the beginning and also an analysis of foreign aid as whole as well as some of its parts. I`m also trying to find reasons why developed nations provide foreign aid and also motives for accepting it by developing nations. Also trade liberalisation is described as the only way of solving foreign aid poor effeciency.

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After 12 years of isolation, the relations between Brussels and Minsk have been thawing starting in the last year. One of the components of the policy of re-engagement is the new initiative adopted by the EU called Eastern Partnership (EaP). This thesis sought to answer following question: what were the main reasons for the change in the EU policy towards Belarus after 2008? In order to answer the research question I formulated two hypotheses. The first hypothesis argues that while the EU has acted according to the normative power expectations up until 2008, after that date a more pragmatic approach in the foreign policy has been at work. The second hypothesis explains this change by the increasing influence of Eastern European countries in realm of decision-making processes within the EU, which resulted in a reformed EU foreign policy towards Belarus.These hypotheses are tested in a qualitative case study of the launching of the Eastern Partnership initiative, seen as the most important instrument that defines the new policy of EU. I will focus on the process of decision–making in regards to the adoption of the new initiative towards the Eastern European countries, using the rational actor model and the theory of formal leadership. The results of the paper point out that the main reason for changing the EU foreign policy towards Belarus were connected to pragmatic interests in the economic and energy areas, which weakened the EU normative claims. However, EU values are still counted as political conditionality has recently re-entered the agenda. Thus, the current foreign policy is two-fold: based on rational model of acting and normative power. Moreover, the EaP is the result of the strengthened position of Eastern European countries in terms of the power hierarchy among EU members, with Poland, and the Baltic States playing an increasingly larger role.

<p>This dissertation explores the ‘socio-cultural dilemma’ facing international peacebuilders in war-torn societies through a case study of the post-conflict process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is done with the help of a typological approach of the grid-group Cultural Theory framework, which defines four social solidarities – or ideal type cultures – of individualism, egalitarianism, fatalism and hierarchy. A central argument in the thesis is that international intervention is culturally individualistic and/or egalitarian, thus socio-culturally unviable in war-torn societies, which are usually dominated by hierarchical and fatalist social solidarities.</p><p>This underlying socio-cultural conflict is used to trace the Bosnian post-war process, where the relationship between the managing international institution – the Office of the High Representative of the International Community – and the local nationalist elites repeatedly changed in response to the failure of international policies to produce the desired result, namely broad socio-cultural change in the local politics and society. Four different periods in the process are identified: 1) ’economic conditionality’, 2) ‘Bonn Powers’, 3) ‘the concept of ownership’ and 4) ‘Euro-Atlantic integration’. Each period is defined by different culturally biased policies, supported by corresponding social relations and strategic behaviours.</p><p>The individualistic and egalitarian biased approaches usually resulted in failures, as they were not viable in the local socio-cultural context. After adapting to the local context, new viable approaches produced results in specific policy areas, but at the cost of unwanted side-effects in the form of reinforcement of dominant social solidarities. The result was therefore contrary to the broad goal of the process, which was to transform the local political culture.</p><p>In other words, the defining and re-defining of the OHR’s role in the Bosnian process was a consequence of the dilemma of having to make an unsatisfactory choice: either to adapt to the way the political game is played in the Bosnian socio-cultural context in order to achieve effectiveness in the policy process, or to stay true to the peacebuilders’ own cultural biases and attempt to change the local socio-cultural accordingly. In essence, it is argued, this is the socio-cultural viability dilemma that is inherent in international peacebuilding.</p><p>In unveiling of the socio-cultural viability dilemma, the dissertation explores central problems in the Bosnian post-conflict process. It provides a credible explanation to a number of hitherto unexplained difficulties and paradoxes experienced in Bosnia. It concludes that the international intervention in this particular case was neither a success story nor a failure per se, but one which failed to properly address the dilemma of socio-cultural viability. The key conclusions regarding peacebuilding in general are that there should be a greater under¬¬standing of socio-cultural issues in peacebuilding in order to better manage the socio-cultural viability dilemma. Practically, this means that international peacebuilders need to adapt to local context and strive towards the goal of local ownership of the process. The aim should be to make the intervention as viable as possible, as quickly as possible, to boldly implement policies that promote changes in the local socio-cultural context, and to withdraw only after the necessary conditions for local ownership are in place.</p>

This dissertation explores the ‘socio-cultural dilemma’ facing international peacebuilders in war-torn societies through a case study of the post-conflict process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is done with the help of a typological approach of the grid-group Cultural Theory framework, which defines four social solidarities – or ideal type cultures – of individualism, egalitarianism, fatalism and hierarchy. A central argument in the thesis is that international intervention is culturally individualistic and/or egalitarian, thus socio-culturally unviable in war-torn societies, which are usually dominated by hierarchical and fatalist social solidarities. This underlying socio-cultural conflict is used to trace the Bosnian post-war process, where the relationship between the managing international institution – the Office of the High Representative of the International Community – and the local nationalist elites repeatedly changed in response to the failure of international policies to produce the desired result, namely broad socio-cultural change in the local politics and society. Four different periods in the process are identified: 1) ’economic conditionality’, 2) ‘Bonn Powers’, 3) ‘the concept of ownership’ and 4) ‘Euro-Atlantic integration’. Each period is defined by different culturally biased policies, supported by corresponding social relations and strategic behaviours. The individualistic and egalitarian biased approaches usually resulted in failures, as they were not viable in the local socio-cultural context. After adapting to the local context, new viable approaches produced results in specific policy areas, but at the cost of unwanted side-effects in the form of reinforcement of dominant social solidarities. The result was therefore contrary to the broad goal of the process, which was to transform the local political culture. In other words, the defining and re-defining of the OHR’s role in the Bosnian process was a consequence of the dilemma of having to make an unsatisfactory choice: either to adapt to the way the political game is played in the Bosnian socio-cultural context in order to achieve effectiveness in the policy process, or to stay true to the peacebuilders’ own cultural biases and attempt to change the local socio-cultural accordingly. In essence, it is argued, this is the socio-cultural viability dilemma that is inherent in international peacebuilding. In unveiling of the socio-cultural viability dilemma, the dissertation explores central problems in the Bosnian post-conflict process. It provides a credible explanation to a number of hitherto unexplained difficulties and paradoxes experienced in Bosnia. It concludes that the international intervention in this particular case was neither a success story nor a failure per se, but one which failed to properly address the dilemma of socio-cultural viability. The key conclusions regarding peacebuilding in general are that there should be a greater under¬¬standing of socio-cultural issues in peacebuilding in order to better manage the socio-cultural viability dilemma. Practically, this means that international peacebuilders need to adapt to local context and strive towards the goal of local ownership of the process. The aim should be to make the intervention as viable as possible, as quickly as possible, to boldly implement policies that promote changes in the local socio-cultural context, and to withdraw only after the necessary conditions for local ownership are in place.

This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law.  From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African,  Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

The uneven effects of EU membership conditionality on Eastern European reforms continue to puzzle the research community. Sometimes, the research focus has been too large, considering EU membership conditionality as a policy implemented uniformly across policy areas. Other efforts take a too narrow approach by trying to explain the effects of EU membership conditionality in single sectors. I suggest studying this phenomenon through a set of mid-level theories in a cross-country, cross-sectorial approach. I argue that both the intensity of EU membership conditionality and reform outcomes are contingent upon the policy sector context; hence, we should take a sectorial contextual approach in studying them. Reform outcomes result from the interplay between EU’s and domestic leaders’ interests in a particular sectorial reform. I assume domestic leaders to be rational, power driven actors. I argue that, since they act in some weakly institutionalized political environments such as Eastern European societies, they represent the principal actors in the power game. I assume the EU to be a rational actor as well; yet, differently from Eastern Europe, the role of individual leaders is less distinguishable in the highly institutionalized EU political theatre. In this case, EU institutions are the primary political agents. They are interested in maintaining and enlarging the Union as a stable democracy. Expanding an earlier argument that views the EU as established through consociational practices, I argue that EU membership conditionality is a tool to impose institutional reforms in the EU aspirant countries, so their institutions can be receptive to the EU consociational practices once they join the Union. In these countries, the consociational character of conditionality is more visible, since it seeks to impose in aspirant countries the same practices that have brought democratic stability in some member states. The EU does not impose consociational practices on unified societies, but simply seeks to make their institutions receptive to the EU consociational practices. I test these arguments with the cases of institutional reforms in postcommunist Albanian and Macedonia. I conclude that, generally, EU membership manages to change Eastern European leaders’ interests in institutional reforms, but when it cannot, the reforms are almost impossible.

This study investigates how the European Union may have an impact on countries before and after accession to the union applying the theory of conditionality through a case study of Romania. To answer the main objective of this study, three research questions will be answered, theses are: 1) How have the process of Romania looked like before and after accession to a membership in European Union? 2) How has the development of the Political Criteria been before and after its accession to European Union? 3) How does the theory of conditionality work during and after Romania´s accession to the European Union. The study will use the methodology of a qualitative desk study with the theoretical framework of conditionality and the Copenhagen Political Criteria. The study has concluded that Romania faces similar problems with the political criteria as they did almost twenty years ago. It also concludes that the EU conditionality have had impact on Romania both before and after their accession the EU, but just to some extent.

De nos jours, le multilatéralisme et le libre échange sont le fondement du système économique. La participation de la Thaïlande à l’OMC et au FMI joue un rôle incontournable dans les stratégies de développement du pays. En tant que pays en développement et malgré certaines dispositions particulières en sa faveur, l’influence qu’elle exerce au sein de chaque institution reste limitée. Ce qui l’a conduite à chercher des alliances en regroupant avec les pays qui partagent les mêmes positions pour mieux se faire entendre.Grâce à cette participation, le gouvernement thaïlandais dispose d’une source de financement en cas de crise économique et financière. Il peut mieux mener les politiques commerciales dont l’accent a été mis sur la promotion des exportations et avoir un mécanisme de règlement des différends qui lui permettent de défendre les intérêts de ses producteurs de manière plus efficace surtout lorsqu’il s’agit d’un différend avec des pays développés. Mais face à des limites du système multilatéral à vocation universelle (impasse du Cycle de Doha, problème de la conditionnalité de l’aide et de l’efficacité des mesures prévues par le FMI), la Thaïlande est retournée plus vers le bilatéralisme et le régionalisme afin de protéger les intérêts du pays. / In this day and age, multilateralism and free trade are the foundations of theeconomic system. The participation of Thailand in the World Trade Organization (WTO) andthe International Monetary Fund (IMF) plays an essential role in the development strategies ofthe country. As a developing country and despite some specific provisions in its favour,Thailand’s influence within each institution is limited. A greater voice, by gathering withcountries that share the same positions, prompted Thailand to seek such alliances. Throughthis participation, the Thai government has a funding source in the event of economic andfinancial crisis. They can improve trade policies that focus on export promotion and have adispute settlement mechanism that allows them to better defend the interests of its producers,especially when these disputes involve developed countries. But the limits of the multilateralsystem (Doha round impasse, the issue of conditionality and effectiveness of the IMF’smeasures) incite Thailand to turn more towards bilateralism and regionalism for protecting thecountry’s interests.