Recognising water as a central relational location of the asymmetric Israel- Palestinian conflict, this study critically analyses the peacebuilding significance of Israeli, transboundary water and peace practitioner discourses. Anchored in a theoretically-constructed framework of hydropolitical peacebuilding, it discursively analyses the historical, officially-sanctioned, as well as academic and civil society water and peace relations of Israelis and Palestinians. It responds to the question: How are Israeli water and peace practitioners discursively practicing hydropolitical peacebuilding in the Middle East? In doing so, this study has drawn upon a methodology of interpretive practice, combining ethnography, foucauldian discourse analysis and narrative inquiry. This study discursively traces Israel¿s development into a hydrohegemonic state in the Jordan River Basin, from the late-19th century to 2011. Recognising conflict as a power-laden social system, it makes visible the construction, production and circulation of Israel¿s power in the basin. It examines key narrative elements invoked by Israel to justify its evolving asymmetric, hydrohegemonic relations. Leveraging the hydropolitical peacebuilding framework, itself constituted of equality, partnership, equity and shared ii sustainability, this study also examines the discursive practices of Israeli transboundary water and peace practitioners in relationship with Palestinians. In so doing, it makes visible their hydrohegemony, hydropolitical peacebuilding, and hydrohegemonic residues. This study¿s conclusions re-affirm earlier findings, notably that environmental and hydropolitical cooperation neither inherently nor necessarily constitute peacebuilding practice. This work also suggests that hydropolitical peacebuilding may discursively be recognised in water and peace practices that engage, critique, resist, desist from, and practice alternative relational formations to hydrohegemony in asymmetric conflicts. / British Council/Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Fonds québecois de recherche sur la société et la culture (FQRSC).

This thesis examines how, and the extent to which, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Accord of Bangladesh contributed to transform conflicting relations of the parties, and communities living in the CHT. This case study research has combined two methods: (i) key informant interviews and (ii) consultation of wider secondary literature, reports of accord signing parties, international organizations, NGOs and other stakeholders, newspaper articles, working papers etc. We have developed a process-oriented analytical framework through reviewing eight widely studied peace agreements and their following conflict transformation processes. This theme-based distinctive framework has guided us to conduct a comprehensive analyse of the CHT case. We argue that the 1997 CHT Accord, developed as a part of an internal strategic conflict management and negotiation process, and stipulated for limited territorial power-sharing and localized proportional power-sharing of communities, to a considerable extent helped to transform parties’ conflicting relations, and the conflict itself, despite the Accord’s limited nature and partial implementation. The post-accord immediate implementation of some key provisions helped to build confidence of the parties and engaged them in decision-making process. This restrained them not to return to violence, although an incremental accord implementation process helped to address some complexities but created contradictions and dubious relations between them over some issues. The accord considerably contributed to improve socio-economic conditions of CHT people. Nevertheless, it shifted the dynamics of original conflict towards an intra-ethnic dimension, whereas the inter-community relations remained highly polarized due to inadequate attention paid by relevant stakeholders to bridge their gaps for peace. / Commonwealth Scholarship Commission

This thesis explores whether dialogue between a company and a non-profit organisation (NPO) can influence a company’s way of working towards being more conflict sensitive. As a case-study I analysed the dialogue between the French oil and gas company, Total S.A. (Total), and the US based NPO, CDA Collaborative Learning Projects (CDA) relating to the company’s operations in Myanmar/Burma. The objectives of the research were to ascertain if dialogue had a positive impact, and if so, what it was about the dialogue that enabled change, what was the process of change that could be observed and how embedded such change was. Drawing on post-modernism, systems thinking and complexity thinking, I have built on organisational change, conflict transformation, dialogue and cross-sector partnership literature to examine the role of dialogue as an enabler of change. While highlighting parallels in the discourses, I analyse the process and degree of change within the company through two conflict transformation models, one by Lederach (1997) and the other by Lederach, Neufeld and Culbertson (2007), which I feel best synthesise these parallels. The research is a longitudinal case-study (2002-2012), based on semi-structured interviews and document analysis. The study adds to the limited academic research on conflict sensitivity in general, and on the implications for a company’s way of working in particular. Although I find that within the business sector, the notion of conflict sensitivity is assumed in the wider concept of corporate social responsibility, noteworthy is the relevance of dialogue in change processes. Dialogue is an essential enabler as it sparks transformational levers also recognised in the literature reviewed. However it is not sufficient. The research illustrates that the dialogue between CDA and Total has played a critical role in facilitating a shift in the company’s way of working, with the contribution of other influences at play. As such, I draw attention to the complexity of the change process and discuss the current nature of the drivers of change within Total.

Modern conflict transformation emerged after World War II as a discipline and a field of academic research. Since the early 1990s it has increasingly concerned itself with psycho-social issues (e.g. trauma treatment or reconciliation) in the aftermath of violent protracted social conflicts. Within this psycho-social space there has been a growing interest in the use of music in conflict transformation to improve relationships between in and out-groups. However, the field of music and conflict transformation is still nascent, with little in-depth research available. The majority of studies have been undertaken by interested parties or relies on anecdotal evidence from organisers and musicians with little concern for the context of the music use. Participants, whose attitudes and relationships to out-groups are the focus of conflict transformation interventions, are largely overlooked and their views are rarely discussed. Furthermore, there are few detailed studies on exactly how music affects conflict transformation outcomes. Instead allusions are often made to terms such as “the power of music” which act as a black box intended to explain how music “works”, but patently fail to do so. This thesis attempts to fill these two gaps in the literature by focusing on the participants’ experiences in two different conflict transformation contexts, a multi- cultural music project for school children in Noway and the casual music use in a settlement of internally displaced persons in Sudan. Through qualitative research methods, rich descriptive data from different parties is gathered. The data is analysed using grounded theory. As a result a very different and more complex picture emerges that enriches the current understanding of how music is used and perceived in conflict transformation contexts. In particular, how participants view these activities and how power relationships, though rarely mentioned, affect the music use is explored in detail. Some tentative suggestions indicate that music works best when used in longitudinal bottom-up activities and that music can augment conflict transformation activities rather than replace them. Additionally, it is proposed that music may work as a form of benign interruption in conflict transformation activities and that musical events provide a liminal space where the real work lies in the process of bringing any changes in attitudes from the liminal space into everyday life.

Le conflit civil moldave entre 1989 et 1992 a laissé un pays et une population divisés entre le fleuve Dniestr/Nistru. Malgré la victoire de la Pridnestrovie (RMP) dans sa guerre d’indépendance, elle n’a pas atteint son objectif de devenir un Etat reconnu. L’Accord de cessez-le-feu de 1992 qui a mis officiellement fin à la guerre a renforcé la séparation de la RMP par la création d’une zone tampon et l’établissement des forces de maintien de la paix. Comme convenu dans cet accord, la fin du nouveau statu quo et donc la résolution finale du conflit devraient passer obligatoirement par la détermination d’un nouveau statut politique pour la RMP. Faute d’avoir réussi à déterminer un statut officiel, le conflit est resté gelé. Lors de la période d’après-guerre, l’équilibre des pouvoirs a favorisé la RMP sur le plan économique, énergétique et sécuritaire, la plaçant dans une position de force vis-à-vis de la Moldavie. Cependant, puisqu’une reconnaissance étatique n’a jamais été accordée à la RMP, cette dernière a donc hérité d’un déficit symbolique que seule la Moldavie pouvait lui octroyer par la reconnaissance. Une politique active de reconnaissance envers la RMP entre 1994 et 1998 a été le facteur déterminant dans la transformation du conflit, conduisant à la signature de trois « grands accords ». Le célèbre Mémorandum de Moscou de 1997 a souligné ce processus transformatif au travers duquel les deux « opposants » se sont dès lors considérés comme « partenaires » au sein des négociations. Au cours de l’année 1998, Chisinau et Tiraspol se sont engagées sur le chemin de la paix en adoptant des mesures de confiance et de sécurité avec l’Accord d’Odessa / The Moldovan civil conflict between 1989 and 1992 left the country and the people permanently divided between the banks to the Dniestr/Nistru River. Despite Pridnestrovia’s (PMR) victory in its war of independence, it would not achieve its goal of being a recognized state. The ceasefire agreement of 1992 officially put an end to the war and solidified Prinestrovia’s separation through the creation of a security zone and the establishement of peacekeeping forces. Furthermore, the resolution of the conflict and the end of the new status quo had to be synchronized with the accordance of a new political status for the PMR. As an official status was never determined, the conflict has remained frozen. During the post-war period, the balance of power favored the PMR from an economic, energy and security perspective, providing it with major leverage over Moldova. However, given that the PMR was never attributed statehood meant that it inherited a symbolic deficit because only Moldova could provide it with recognition. Moldova’s policy of recognition towards the PMR between 1994 and 1998 would be the determing factor in the transformation of the conflict, leading to the signing of three “major accords”. The historic Moscow Memorandum of 1997 highlighted this transformative process by which the two “opponants” considered eachother as “partners” within the negociation process. By 1998, Chisinau and Tiraspol embarked upon the path of confidence building and security measures with the Odessa Accord of 1998

This thesis comparatively analyses dilemmas arising from the unresolved Georgian-Abkhazian and Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts. The many existing differences in the nature and dynamics of each conflict point to a sui generis situation, yet, many similarities also exist, including Soviet era legacies. The research premise is based on very considerable resourcing being dedicated to the resolution of these conflicts since their inception, yet no significant conflict transformation (Abkhazia has Russian recognition) has occurred, let alone peace. Given the mandate from the OSCE, EU and UN, the purpose of the thesis is to analyse their involvement. While evidence – local vested interests and strategic interests – illustrates the obvious obstructions, the thesis focuses on the IOs and asks why no tangible successes were achieved. This is done by critically analysing their performance, by assuming that success is often overlooked and by identifying a range of misperceptions. Therefore, by considering conflict transformation and engaging in analysis of many sources, including documents and about five-dozen interviews, the thesis reappraises the ethno-national origins, the geopolitical dimension and the entrenched conflicting party positions in the context of pan-European actors' responses. The analyses of the comparative peace processes illuminate the IOs' own challenges in reaching consensus as well as on the conflicting parties' competing narratives. Answering the question of what to produce first – a political solution to improve societal conditions, or the pursuing exercise of confidence-building measures (CBMs) to settle the status question – is part of the objective. I argue that a typology of success and failure more comprehensively explains IO performance between 1992 and the EU's Vilnius Summit in 2013.

Through exploring nine Indigenous young adults’ perceptions of their roles in building health and wellness through traditional food sovereignty, I assessed the effectiveness of using John Paul Lederach’s (1997) framework of conflict transformation within an Indigenous context for the purpose of creating Indigenous food sovereignty. Conflict transformation does not acknowledge or address the detrimental effects colonization has had on Indigenous peoples within their daily lives. This gap in analysis stunted the effectiveness of conflict transformation in helping young Indigenous adults to challenge colonial authority and work towards developing sustainable approaches to Indigenous food sovereignty. Within the findings, roles emerged related to a generational cycle of learning and teachings traditional knowledge and cultural practices that are applied in the everyday lives of Indigenous peoples. “Learner-teacher cycles” are an Indigenous response to conflicts stemming from colonization. The cycle follows a non-linear progression of learning cultural and traditional knowledge from family and community and the transmission of that knowledge back to family and peers. Learner-teacher cycles are an everyday occurrence and are embedded within Indigenous cultures. Through the learner-teacher cycles, young adults challenge the effects of colonization within their day-to-day lives by learning and practicing cultural ways of being and traditional knowledge, and then transferring their knowledge to next generations and peers. I have concluded that conflict transformation is not an effective tool in resolving protracted conflicts within an Indigenous context, particularly with reference to Indigenous peoples from CoSalish and Dididaht territories on Turtle Island. Learner-teacher cycles, a framework based on Indigenous methods of challenging colonialism through learning, teaching and practicing cultural and traditional ways of being within everyday life, is an appropriate model for young Indigenous adults to use in creating Indigenous food sovereignty. / Graduate

This study is a historical analytical investigation and theological interpretation of Wesleyan Methodists' political teaching and practice in Zimbabwe from 1891 to 1980. In an attempt to come up with an informed interpretation of the political teaching and activities, the study traced Wesleyan Methodist political praxis John Wesley, the founder of Methodism and interpreted his teaching and practice from a third world perspective. That perspective was used as a basis for evaluating the contextualisation of his teaching by Wesleyan Methodists in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean Wesleyan Methodists' political teaching and practice during the colonial era were explored using four themes: politics of land, race relationships, Federation and war. Two hypothetical statements were tested in this study: Wesleyan Methodism outlines a framework for constructive participation in politics, and the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Zimbabwe provided and supported positions of political leadership in Zimbabwe. The objectives of this study are to: unveil successes and failures of Wesleyan Methodists in Zimbabwean political arena, expose the historical significance of Wesleyan Methodist influence in politics for Zimbabwean history and present a historical account of the Wesleyan Methodist Church in Zimbabwe. The methodology preferred in this study included oral history and a combination of the ecumenical and southern approaches to Church history. The study utilised archival and oral data as primary sources, the translation model of contextual theology, holistic framework for analysing history, the principle of the overriding right and the conflict transformation model as part of the methodology. Through the use of the translation model of contextual theology, the study revealed how John Wesley used principles from the Christian message and Church tradition in addressing his political context. The study exposed that John Wesley was obsessed with accountability to God and constituency, respect for every person, respect for political structures as well as authorities and relationships among people as fundamental pillars in political activities. He based these on his understanding of God's free grace, people's liberty to accept or reject that grace and the validity of popular religious expression. The study revealed that Wesleyan Methodists in Zimbabwe had a special relationship with the colonial government due to an invitation by Cecil John Rhodes for the church to participate in the Pioneer Column. The relationship determined how retrogressive or progressive ministers responded to government requirements and made demands on government until the country's independence in 1980. The study also exposed how retrogressive Wesleyan Methodists moved from acceptance and collaboration to acceptance and selective rejection of colonial policies and how both retrogressive and progressive ministers employed the concept of non-contestation of participation in armed conflict and throwing one’s lot on the expected side. It also showed how progressive ministers contributed to the political emancipation of Africans and the role played by the mission-educated elite in Zimbabwe. The study ended with pointing out that Zimbabwean Wesleyan Methodist political teaching and practice had very bright future prospects at the independence of the country in 1980. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Church History and Church Policy / Unrestricted

The Cyprus problem has now been an ongoing dispute for 40 some years. The two main ethnic communities, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot, has since the unrest following independence in 1960, been separated both in space and mind. A military coup, supported by Greece, followed by a Turkish invasion, caused a violent division of the island in 1974, a division that remains today. The UN has facilitated dialog and negotiation between the communities since the establishment of UNFICYP in 1964.The objective of this study is to identify whether the parties have been and are aiming for long-term or short-term perspectives in negotiation. With the help of the theoretical framework of Conflict transformation, resolution and management the study aim to answer the question – What signs of conflict transformation could be identified within the high level peace negotiation process in Cyprus?The study will be done through a process tracing case study of the peace negotiations in the Cyprus conflict. The study aims at depicting the negotiation process from 1974 and onwards. This by exploring UN position papers, resolutions and reports together with descriptions and statements from the negotiating parties.The study found that the phases of negotiation have differed considerably over time and that a general shift from conflict management to conflict transformation did appear.

Years of political and economic mismanagement have brought South Africa to a critical turning point. After the demise of Apartheid and already during the transition to democracy, far-reaching efforts have been undertaken to achieve reconciliation, socioeconomic equality, and build sustainable peace in the county. However, the structural patterns of segregationist ideologies have only changed marginally, leading to a status in which the legacy of Apartheid determines South Africa’s future. Depending on the psychodynamic choice of dealing with the past traumata, as well as the government’s ideological tendency, there are different future scenarios. In this thesis, the conflict transformation policies in the fields of security, social and economic well-being, justice and reconciliation, and governance and participation are evaluated through an input-output analysis, to answer to which extent these measures are effective or not. This is done by considering transnational processes and developments, objectives in past and current conflicts, as well as by working out possible future scenarios. The result of the evaluation is that, with minor exceptions, the current approaches to conflict transformation are not effective, and different measures must be taken urgently to avert South Africa’s downfall.