作為古代東亞文化圈其中一部最具影響力的著作─《論語》，其在漢代的重要性一直長期被忽視。直至近年隨着學界的「翻案風」興起，對《論語》及《論語》學的研究才開始起步，但對唐以前的研究仍是寥寥無幾。此外，迄今為止這些研究仍離不開就《論語》的版本及詮釋本進行文本式研究，卻忽視了《論語》作為一部重要的儒家經典，對政治、社會等各方面的實際影響，本研究希望為此填補一點空白。本文認為《論語》所以沒有在西漢時期被列入成為《五經》之一，主因在於不同版本之間存有篇數差異及未經「孔子删削」而成為「權威定本」，是以不符合西漢「大一統」的政治需要。而且，在漢人眼裡「《論語》」的概念其實有「廣義」和「狹義」之分，這亦是前人研究時常常忽略的。至於，《論語》作為一種官學在兩漢之間如何形成及發展，以至最終成為部分知識人心目中的「第六經」亦是本文嘗試回答的問題。正如本文強調研究《論語》與社會及政治之間的關係，是以我們亦將探討西漢末至東漢時期的讖緯思潮如何導致孔子由一個人變成一個神的問題，因為《論語》作為孔子的言行記錄，其地位亦隨着孔子的地位改變而有所升降，而《七緯》中包含《論語緯》正是其中一種地位上升的表現。最後，有關《論語》在兩漢的政治影響力的問題，文中亦嘗試透過分析幾部政書及一些皇帝的詔書、朝議，指出朝臣及皇帝如何據《論》而言。當然，本研究所以以「五經以外」為題，並不是要否定《五經》在漢代的影響力，相反本研究嘗試從一個嶄新的角度分析兩漢的政治問題，從而希望能得出一些新的看法。 / This research aims at studying the political authority of a long-neglected classic in Han Dynasty ─Lun Yuor the Analects of the Confucius. To date, the majority of scholars in the intellectual history field are operating on the assumption that, be-cause of the establishment of the "Experts of Five Classics (The Book of History, the Book of Odes, the Book of Change, the Book of Ritualsand the Spring and Autumn Annals)" in the central government academy (Tai Xue) and an government officer recruitment examination based on the "Five Classics," the intellectual history of Han was basically the history about the conservation, transmission and interpretation of "Five Classics." Most sholarship on the Analects either studies the textual genesis or the literary character of this source material about Confucius. As a result, not many scholars have studied how the Analects interact with Han political, social, and material contexts. / But should we accept this common wisdom that the intellectual history of Han was just the history about the "Five Classics"? Or was there something beyond the "Five Classics" that was of equal importance? This could be answered by the fact that Cai Yong, a senior official and a Confucian scholar of the latter Han period, described the Analects as the "Sixth Classic" which was also a basic entry requirement for the newly appointed "Erudites" and academy students of the Imperial Academy (Tai Xue) in late Eastern Han. It is also interesting to note that many official documents or memorials that the senior officials presented to the court quoted from the Analects to support their arguments since Emperor Wu of Western Han. It is reasonable, therefore, to believe that the Analects had played a special role in the politics of Han China. / It is commonly believed that Han intellectuals in office emphasized the ideas in the "Five Classics" as practical solutions for contemporary political and social issues; and all government schools (from elementary learning to academy) should use "Five Classics" as part of their programs. As a result, we are told, the "Five Classics" became the authoritative traditions of Han Dynasty. It is hard to belief, however, that the "Five Classics," each with hundreds of thousands of words (most of them are exegesis written by later classical masters), could be propagated to the whole country, including the far-flung regions of the empire, in the pre-printing era. Furthermore, some recently excavated materials suggest a different view to evaluate the influence of the "Five Classics." What is most striking was that the excavated manuscripts of the "Five Classics" were only discovered in the Central Plain (i.e., the North China Plain), while no discovery was reported outside this area. On the other hand, excavated manuscripts of the Han Analects were unearthed in many parts of the Han Empire as far as the region which is now North Korea (most of them belong to the early Western Han period before Emperor Wu). This phenomenon invites us to recast our views of the past in unforeseen ways. It stands to reason to argue that the authority of the "Five Classics" in the Han is somewhat overstated and the influence of the Analectsis underestimated in a particular time and place. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 何家祈. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-261). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / He Jiaqi.

As the People’s Republic of China begins to accumulate influence on the international stage through strategic usage of soft power, the history and application of soft power throughout the history of China will be important to future scholars of the politics of Beijing. This study will examine Beijing and its government official’s perceptions of its soft power and how there have been historical parallels between the modern People’s Republic of China and the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) in regard to soft power politics and China’s search for its legitimacy as a rising global power. This study will use two examples that have similar parallels: The eunuch admiral Zheng He (1371-1433) and his journey’s through the South China Sea, the Indian Ocean and the Middle East and the Confucius Institute, a teaching and cultural exchange program under the auspices of the Office of Chinese Language International, known colloquially as Hanban, an organization under the direct control of the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership. What connects these two topics is the subject of soft power, a term coined by Joseph S. Nye, relating to the kind of power wielded by countries that does not involve military force and uses a “Charm Strategy” to support favorable treatment amongst its trading partners. Zheng He sailed the oceans to neighboring countries, in an attempt to give legitimacy to Ming China through the imperial tribute trade system. The Confucius Institute continues that legacy today, teaching a view of China that is shaped in Beijing. I will show the parallels between this historical figure and that of the Confucius Institute, showing that the pursuit of soft power is not a recent phenomenon in Chinese politics but a theory and a motivation that has existed in China since medieval times in China’s endless search for legitimacy in the eyes of its neighbors. I will be researching the life and journeys of Zheng He, along with the controversies surrounding the Confucius Institute and how all of these factors relate to China attempting to re-instate a legacy that the nation has was lost over since the nineteenth century’s “Century of Humiliation”. This loss of prestige was a result of European colonial power’s ambitions in the area. I will also use evidence to prove the importance of Confucianism in regard to the development of soft power in China. As China seeks to find its legitimacy, we will see that this has been some centuries in the making and plays a crucial part of Chinese politics today. The re-assertion of China’s place in the world as a rising world power will have geopolitical implications for decades to come.

第一章簡述康德與席勒兩人論辯之起因，並指出席勒論美之觀點為何可與孔子之美育思想相映發。 第二章則言席勒美學之基本架構。席勒此文係由七封書信輯成，行文之間似頗乏綱領。為廓清眉目故，筆者遂順其理路略作批註，俾釐清其論美之要義何在。 第三章則言康德與席勒兩人之異趣為何，並引介席勒論美觀點之源委，以明席勒立論之宗旨。 第四章先言前人與近人對於席勒美育思想之理解，次則將筆者於第二、三章中所獲得之觀點與孔子之美育思想相參較，令此兩者相觀而善。 第五章總結全文，並預作伏筆。

Harvard University professor Joseph Nye divided a country¡¦s comprehensive national power into hard power and soft power. A country¡¦s national interest ovelap each country and the interaction with countries become more frequent and close under the globalization. A country not only pursueds its own hard power, but develops its soft power. With soft power has become the core value in the international society, the effect of soft power has become the key stratergy to a country¡¦s foreign relations. Moreover, soft power has been China¡¦s foreign relations strategy. This paper analyzes how China uses foreign aid policy and Confucius Institute to achieve the efficacy of soft power. To analyze China¡¦s foreign aid policy and Confucius Institute¡¦s overall arrangement stratergy, and compare the different efficacy of soft power of the role of foreign aid policy and Confucius Institute. China¡¦s economic grows fast since 1978, but how to avoid the other countries fear and misgiving is a big challeange for Chinese government. Chinese government emphasizes peaceful development and develops a country¡¦s soft power to build more advantageous international environment.

This thesis examines the applicability of the concept of soft power in the Chinese context. After a brief discussion of the concept of &quot / soft power&quot / , which was coined by Joseph S. Nye Jr. in 1990, and also similar concepts developed in western academia, the Chinese understanding of soft power is investigated with reference to statements made by Chinese policy-makers and academics, Chinese soft power applications in Africa and the use of the Confucius Institutes as soft power tools. It is argued that although China pursues non-coercive policies to augment its power in the international arena, this power is not solely attained by the methods of soft power as suggested by Nye. Although the concept of &quot / sticky power&quot / , coined by Walter Russel Mead, and/or that of &quot / smart power&quot / , intorduced by Nye and Richard Armitage, can be beneficial in understanding the Chinese experience, the Chinese goal-oriented and empiric approach to attaining power differs in essence from the western understanding both in theory and practice.

Through comparative and qualitative research method, this dissertation first analyzes the individual values in political freedom and equality emphasized by modern Western individualism, will further discuss collective consciousness in the form of emotional and moral achievements as emphasized by traditional Chinese Confucianism as comparative reference basis and finally lists common grounds and differences between these two. This dissertation researches political thought and philosophy, mainly aiming at the political objectives of argument foundations, essential connotations and achievements in traditional Chinese political thought, illuminates collective sentiment thinking and will analyze and explain the reasons for a lack of Western individualism in traditional Chinese political thought, caused by the environmental conditions created by that thinking. The author hopes to be able to offer a comparison of nature and characteristics of Chinese and Western culture and thinking and a few answers and explanations regarding the problems the Chinese society is facing since it encountered and started to learn from Western democratic political systems more than 100 years ago.

There are currently over 300 Confucius Institutes in nearly 100 countries around the world. The fast rise of the Confucius Institute since its inception in 2004 has attracted attention from both political and academic arenas. Recent research on the Confucius Institute has focused on China's goal to increase its soft power through this establishment. The objective of this Master's thesis is to explore the nature of the partnership between Chinese and Canadian universities through the Confucius Institute. Specifically, three Canadian Confucius Institutes are selected for the case studies. This interdisciplinary research uses Constructivism from International Relations and Internationalization of Higher Education as the theoretical framework for analysis. Data collection involves interviewing key administrative staff from each site along with a review of secondary resources such as online and print literature. Significance of key findings and suggestions for future research are provided in the conclusion of this thesis.

There are currently over 300 Confucius Institutes in nearly 100 countries around the world. The fast rise of the Confucius Institute since its inception in 2004 has attracted attention from both political and academic arenas. Recent research on the Confucius Institute has focused on China's goal to increase its soft power through this establishment. The objective of this Master's thesis is to explore the nature of the partnership between Chinese and Canadian universities through the Confucius Institute. Specifically, three Canadian Confucius Institutes are selected for the case studies. This interdisciplinary research uses Constructivism from International Relations and Internationalization of Higher Education as the theoretical framework for analysis. Data collection involves interviewing key administrative staff from each site along with a review of secondary resources such as online and print literature. Significance of key findings and suggestions for future research are provided in the conclusion of this thesis.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 224-246).

abstract: Universities have been increasingly engaged in international collaborations with peer institutions overseas. In recent years, Confucius Institutes have emerged as a new model of collaboration between American universities and Chinese universities. In an attempt to identify factors contributing to successful international university collaborations, this study used the case study method and focused on one Confucius Institute between MMU, an American University, and ZZU, a Chinese university, and intended to identify factors leading to the success of the MMU-ZZU Confucius Institute collaboration. The study investigated the MMU-ZZU Confucius Institute collaboration within the framework of the MMU-ZZU institutional partnership. Based on data collected from the institutional documents, interviews, site visits and news reports, this study examined the experiences and perceptions of the university's stakeholders involved in creating and sustaining this particular Confucius Institute, including stakeholders at the program level, at the college level, and at the institutional level both at MMU and ZZU. Using the glonacal agency heuristics framework, the MMU-ZZU Confucius Institute collaboration was a result of joint forces of stakeholders at the program level, at the college level, and at the institutional level from ZZU and MMU. Stakeholders, no matter what level they are and which institution they are affiliated with, had to navigate through the significant differences between them to develop synergy to be successful. Synergy, including vertical synergy developed among stakeholders within each institution and horizontal synergy developed among stakeholders between institutions, turned out to be critical to the success of the MMU-ZZU CI. The study concluded that synergy in leadership, organizational contexts, stakeholders' resources, and the synergy in the MMU-ZZU Confucius Institute collaboration and the MMU-ZZU institutional partnership, led to the success of the MMU-ZZU Confucius Institute collaboration. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Educational Leadership and Policy Studies 2012