Dans la Turquie moderne bien marquée par la laïcité, l’AKP qualifié « conservateur démocrate » par ses fondateurs issus de la mouvance islamiste est le grand gagnant des élections de tout ordre depuis son apparition en 2001. Bien que l’Establishment kémaliste ait voulu balayer cette formation n’a pu le faire. Paradoxalement toute tentative de sa part n’a fait qu’accroître sa popularité. La question est donc de savoir « quelles sont les transformations socioculturelles et politiques de la société ainsi que les atouts de l’AKP qui peuvent expliquer sa success story à la fois à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du pays ? ». La réponse à cette question dépend de ce qu’est le « conservatisme démocrate » ayant pu obtenir le feu vert de l’Establishment pour accéder à la scène politique : où s’inscrit le parti sur l’axe politique ; en quoi se distingue-t-il de ses contreparties ; le plus important est-il véritablement une idéologie politique distincte de l’islamisme comme l’avancent ses idéologues ? C’est ainsi que nous pourrons savoir si l’islamisme turc est en train d’inventer dans le monde musulman une forme comparable à ce qu’a été la « démocratie chrétienne » dans les pays de l’Europe. Et si nous pouvons classer l’AKP parmi les islamistes, nous nous interrogerons sur le point de savoir si l’avenir de l’islamisme comme force politique de gouvernement est en Turquie ou ailleurs ? / In modern Turkey clearly marked by secularism, the AKP called “conservative democrat” by its founders from the Islamist movement is the winner of elections of any kind since its appearance in 2001. Although the Kemalist Establishment had wanted to throw out this party could not do it. Paradoxically any attempt on his part has only increased its popularity. Then, the question is “what are the sociocultural and political transformations of society as well as the strengths of the AKP, which may explain its success story both inside and outside the country? ”. The answer to this question depends on what is “Conservative democracy” which could get the green light from the Establishment to enter the political arena: where the party is situated on the political spectrum, what distinguishes it from its counterparties, the most important is it really a political ideology which is distinct from Islamism as suggested by its ideologues? This is how we can know if Turkish Islamism is in the process of inventing in the Muslim world a form comparable to what was the “Christian democracy” in European countries. And if we can classify the AKP among the Islamists, we will examine whether the future of Islam as a political force of government is in Turkey or elsewhere?

Apresentamos duas propriedades genéricas para difeomorfismos conservativos da classe \'C POT.1\' sobre uma superfície compacta de dimensão dois. Obtemos uma limitação inferior para entropia topológica de difeomorfismos genéricos, e mostramos que tais difeomorfismos sempre possuem conjuntos invariantes fechados com órbitas densas e dimensão de Hausdorff dois / We present two generic properties of \'C POT.1\" area preserving diffeomorphisms of a two dimensional compact oriented surface. We obtain a lower bound for the topological entropy of a generic diffeomorphisms, and we show that such a diffeomorphism always has closed invariant sets with dense orbits and Hausdorff dimension two

This thesis places the work of Dr Richard Beeching as Chairman of the British Railways Board in the context of Government policy towards the nationalised railways 1951-64, and examines the popular myth that Beeching and the Minister who appointed him, Ernest Marples, initiated a policy of railway closures and contraction. The thesis argues that Beeching's appointment and policies need to be seen in the context of the failure of Government policy towards the railways during the 1950s. The background to the Transport Act, 1953 is analysed. It is argued that, through this Act, the Government increased competition in the transport field, but was unwilling to accept, and unprepared for, the logical consequences of this change. The discussion of the Government's subsequent policy towards the railways during the 1950s argues that by intervening in industrial relations and price-setting, Ministers not only forced the railways into the red, but hampered their own efforts to encourage the industry to increase its efficiency. Government involvement in industrial relations, price-setting, investment and the withdrawal of unremunerative services is discussed. The Government's tougher approach to railway finances after 1959 (apparent in the 1962 Transport Act, tighter supervision of investment and the closure programme under Beeching) is placed in two contexts. Firstly, the growing recognition within Whitehall that the rise of road transport would limit the railways' future role. Secondly, the reform of the relationship between government and the nationalised industries in general. This discussion leads to a re-evaluation of Marples' significance, and a rejection of the view that Beeching's closure programme arose from a study of the railways in isolation from transport as a whole. Finally, the presentation and implementation of Beeching's closure programme until the 1964 General Election is discussed. The thesis argues that the social and economic consequences of closures were not ignored.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ademir Angelo Castellari.pdf: 714161 bytes, checksum: 4b5379af7dfbb7b6d726eea980565651 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-21 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This work analyzes the processes of modernization undergone by the Brazilian soccer, identifying the characteristics that have build up its structure until to date. First, we looked for significant changes that characterize the transformation as a soccer modernization process and that of its structuctures. Then, we analyzed the, character of these changes and observed if it somehow has a similarity relation with the manner Brazilian society became modern. Moreover, we tried to understand if the delay indicated as a typical characteristic of the Brazilian soccer present in this discourse of different actors that work in this environment is a trait of our culture and has historically been built up, or if it is intrinsic of soccer practiced in countries, deemed as peripheral areas. The research also focuses on the principal players that act in this scenario, analyzing the performance of the State and that of the sports ruling authorities and capitalist enterprises, in order to understand the characteristics that make up the soccer in Brazil. The analysis begins with the introduction of soccer in our country by the ruling elite, and its transformation into a popular and mass sport, in addition to its professionalization and its exploitation by the State, as well as, the rapprochement between football and politics, creating a category of the sports ruling authorities. The analysis also comprehends the last great transformation we are witnessing in the beginning of the 21st century, a modernization engendered by the State, through laws that grant the market the possibility to lead this new process and that may be leading soccer to a re-gentrification / Esse trabalho analisa os processos de modernização por que passou o futebol brasileiro, identificando as características que o estruturam até os dias de hoje. Primeiramente, buscam-se as alterações significativas que caracterizam as transformações como sendo um processo de modernização do futebol e de suas estruturas, analisando-se em seguida, o caráter destas transformações verificando se guardam alguma relação de similaridade com a forma em que se deu a modernização da sociedade brasileira. Além disso, procura-se compreender se o atraso apontado como sendo característico do futebol brasileiro - presente no discurso dos diversos atores que atuam nesse meio - é um traço de nossa cultura e foi historicamente construído, ou se é intrínseco do futebol praticado em países de centros considerados periféricos. A pesquisa foca também os principais atores que se movem nesse cenário, analisando a atuação do Estado, dos dirigentes esportivos e das empresas capitalistas, com o intuito de compreender as características que estruturam o futebol no Brasil. A análise parte da introdução do futebol em nosso território através da elite dirigente, passando por sua transformação em esporte popular e de massas e sua profissionalização, até sua instrumentalização pelo Estado e a aproximação entre o futebol e a política, que cria a categoria dos dirigentes esportivos, e atinge a última grande transformação, que estamos assistindo no início do século XXI, ou seja, uma modernização gestada pelo Estado, através de leis que abrem a possibilidade para que o mercado conduza esse novo processo e que pode estar conduzindo o futebol a uma re-elitização

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:58:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ademir Angelo Castellari.pdf: 714161 bytes, checksum: 4b5379af7dfbb7b6d726eea980565651 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-21 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This work analyzes the processes of modernization undergone by the Brazilian soccer, identifying the characteristics that have build up its structure until to date. First, we looked for significant changes that characterize the transformation as a soccer modernization process and that of its structuctures. Then, we analyzed the, character of these changes and observed if it somehow has a similarity relation with the manner Brazilian society became modern. Moreover, we tried to understand if the delay indicated as a typical characteristic of the Brazilian soccer present in this discourse of different actors that work in this environment is a trait of our culture and has historically been built up, or if it is intrinsic of soccer practiced in countries, deemed as peripheral areas. The research also focuses on the principal players that act in this scenario, analyzing the performance of the State and that of the sports ruling authorities and capitalist enterprises, in order to understand the characteristics that make up the soccer in Brazil. The analysis begins with the introduction of soccer in our country by the ruling elite, and its transformation into a popular and mass sport, in addition to its professionalization and its exploitation by the State, as well as, the rapprochement between football and politics, creating a category of the sports ruling authorities. The analysis also comprehends the last great transformation we are witnessing in the beginning of the 21st century, a modernization engendered by the State, through laws that grant the market the possibility to lead this new process and that may be leading soccer to a re-gentrification / Esse trabalho analisa os processos de modernização por que passou o futebol brasileiro, identificando as características que o estruturam até os dias de hoje. Primeiramente, buscam-se as alterações significativas que caracterizam as transformações como sendo um processo de modernização do futebol e de suas estruturas, analisando-se em seguida, o caráter destas transformações verificando se guardam alguma relação de similaridade com a forma em que se deu a modernização da sociedade brasileira. Além disso, procura-se compreender se o atraso apontado como sendo característico do futebol brasileiro - presente no discurso dos diversos atores que atuam nesse meio - é um traço de nossa cultura e foi historicamente construído, ou se é intrínseco do futebol praticado em países de centros considerados periféricos. A pesquisa foca também os principais atores que se movem nesse cenário, analisando a atuação do Estado, dos dirigentes esportivos e das empresas capitalistas, com o intuito de compreender as características que estruturam o futebol no Brasil. A análise parte da introdução do futebol em nosso território através da elite dirigente, passando por sua transformação em esporte popular e de massas e sua profissionalização, até sua instrumentalização pelo Estado e a aproximação entre o futebol e a política, que cria a categoria dos dirigentes esportivos, e atinge a última grande transformação, que estamos assistindo no início do século XXI, ou seja, uma modernização gestada pelo Estado, através de leis que abrem a possibilidade para que o mercado conduza esse novo processo e que pode estar conduzindo o futebol a uma re-elitização

Introdução: Os enxertos de gordura autóloga (lipoenxertia) são utilizados há muito tempo como material de preenchimento para correção de defeitos de tecido mole, sendo inicialmente utilizados para correção de defeitos faciais. Nos últimos anos, houve um crescente interesse no uso da lipoenxertia em mamas, tanto como método de reconstrução em pacientes submetidas a cirurgias por câncer de mama quanto em procedimentos estéticos. A gordura é considerada um material de preenchimento ideal em decorrência da facilidade de obtenção e da baixa reação imunogênica e alérgica, além de se tratar de material autólogo. Os principais problemas da lipoenxertia são as taxas de reabsorção imprevisíveis do material enxertado (40-60%), a preocupação quanto a sua segurança, principalmente pela hipótese de a gordura estimular o crescimento de células cancerígenas e o fato da necrose do material enxertado poder produzir fibrose, calcificações ou cistos oleosos na mama, os quais poderiam interferir na interpretação das imagens mamográficas. A partir da técnica desenvolvida por Coleman, diversos estudos surgiram mostrando a eficácia e a segurança da lipoenxertia, já que a mesma não parece interferir nas imagens radiológicas, demonstrando que alterações mamográficas após a lipoenxertia são facilmente interpretadas como alterações benignas por radiologistas experientes. Objetivo: Analisar se a lipoenxertia realizada durante a cirurgia conservadora por câncer de mama e posteriormente seguida de radioterapia causa modificações mamográficas. Método: Foi realizado seguimento de 171 pacientes com diagnóstico de câncer inicial submetidas a tratamento conservador e radioterapia no Hospital de Clínicas de Porto Alegre, no período de junho de 2010 a junho de 2013. Trinta e oito dessas pacientes foram submetidas a reconstrução imediata com lipoenxerto segundo a técnica de Coleman. Resultados: A média da idade das pacientes foi de 58,9 anos para as pacientes sem lipoenxerto e 52,5 anos para as com lipoenxerto, e a média do volume enxertado foi de 125 mL. Foram analisadas as alterações mamográficas dessas pacientes 6, 12, 18 e 24 meses após a radioterapia. Constatou-se uma maior incidência de alterações benignas, como cistos oleosos e esteatonecrose, nas pacientes submetidas a lipoenxertia. Não se detectou no presente estudo diferenças quanto a frequência de nódulos, achados suspeitos ou na classificação BI-RADS entre as pacientes com e sem lipoenxerto. Conclusão: Conclui-se, portanto, que a lipoenxertia causa alterações mamográficas facilmente percebidas como benignas, sem elevar a incidência de achados inconclusivos ou suspeitos. Trata-se de um estudo inédito, pois a reconstrução mamária com gordura é realizada no momento da cirurgia conservadora. / Background: Fat grafts have been used for a long time as a filling material for correction of soft tissue defects. There is growing interest in the use of fat grafting as a method of breast reconstruction in patients undergoing surgery for breast cancer. Fat is considered an ideal filler material due to its easy availability and low immunogenic and allergic reaction and because it is an autologous material. However, fat grafts often have high rates of reabsorption and replacement by fibrous scar tissue, calcifications or oily cysts, which can generate sequels and difficulties in the interpretation of radiological images of the breast. Based on the technique developed by Coleman, several studies have emerged showing the efficacy of fat grafting and that it does not seem to interfere with the early diagnosis of breast cancer. Studies have shown that the incidence of mammographic changes after fat grafting does not differ from other surgical procedures of the breast and that they are easily interpreted as benign changes by experienced radiologists in breast imaging. Aim: Analyze mammographic changes in fat grafting performed during conservative surgery for breast cancer and subsequently followed by radiotherapy. Methods: A total of 171 patients diagnosed with early-stage cancer who received conservative treatment and radiotherapy at the Hospital de Clínicas de Porto Alegre from June 2010 to July 2013 were followed in the present study. Thirty-eight of these also underwent immediate reconstruction with fat grafting, as described by Coleman. Results: Mean patient age was 58.9 years for those not exposed to lipomodeling, and 52.5 years in the remainder of the sample. The mean graft volume was 125 ml. In the present study, oncological follow-ups at 6, 12, 18 and 24 months revealed a higher incidence of benign mammographic findings, such as oil cysts and steatonecrosis, in women who had undergone lipomodeling. However, no between-group differences were identified on any other radiological parameter, including scarring, nodules, suspicious findings and BI-RADS categories. Conclusion: These findings suggest that the mammography alterations caused by lipomodeling are easily identified as benign, and that this procedure is not associated with an increased incidence of inconclusive or suspicious findings. This is a unique study because breast reconstruction with fat is conducted at the time of conservative surgery.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:13:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006-Beatris Camila Duqueviz.pdf: 823155 bytes, checksum: ab9d25e3d2a0aa02267d0eb20c9bb64a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / A leitura abrangente da obra de Gilberto Freyre remete-nos ao tema da unidade de seu pensamento. A preocupa??o de Freyre tamb?m se apresenta no problema da organiza??o do Estado, no dinamismo de certos tra?os culturais de car?ter nacional-popular, da rela??o entre intelectuais e povo, entre dirigentes e dirigidos. Na sua vis?o culturalista da hist?ria, Freyre parece pensar os problemas que afetam o projeto de constru??o de um sistema de hegemonia da classe burguesa industrial e urbana no Brasil. Partimos do pressuposto segundo o qual a proposta de reforma social do projeto pol?tico de Gilberto Freyre, o desenvolvimento integrado como rurbaniza??o, o Estado e os intelectuais s?o conclamados a assumir a condu??o das mudan?as apresentadas como necess?rias, evitando-se assim os perigos decorrentes da mobiliza??o pol?tica popular. A transforma??o social seria entendida, dessa forma, como um ato administrativo, resultado de uma pol?tica racional, que conciliaria de forma pl?stica interesses de todas as classes, mas reservando a exclusividade do poder ?s m?os da elite brasileira. Esse processo de transforma??o social poderia ser compreendido no conceito de revolu??o conservadora.

Esta tese analisa as representações produzidas pela imprensa liberal-conservadora brasileira a respeito do governo de Juan Domingo Perón na Argentina, especialmente no período de 1945 a 1955. Tais imagens, quase sempre negativas, faziam parte do imaginário político nacional e foram constantemente manipuladas para atuar no jogo político brasileiro. As principais fontes históricas desta pesquisa são a revista semanal ilustrada O Cruzeiro, pertencente ao empresário da comunicação Assis Chateaubriand, e o diário carioca Tribuna da Imprensa, de propriedade do jornalista e político Carlos Lacerda, que integrava a União Democrática Nacional (UDN). Com base em notícias, editoriais, reportagens e charges veiculadas nesses periódicos, nota-se que, ao longo dos anos, o justicialismo foi associado, entre outras imagens, ao nazismo, à barbárie e a uma conspiração continental. Demonstra-se que o regime argentino foi apresentado não apenas como antimodelo político, mas como ameaça real à democracia brasileira, o que pode ter contribuído para a não aproximação entre as duas nações naquela época. / This thesis analyzes the representations produced by the liberal-conservative Brazilian press about the Juan Domingo Perón government in Argentina, especially in the period of 1945 to 1955. These images, often negative, were part of the national political imaginary and were constantly manipulated to be used in the Brazilian politics. This research has two main historical sources: the weekly magazine O Cruzeiro, belonging to the businessman Assis Chateaubriand and the daily newspaper Tribuna da Imprensa. This one belonged to the journalist and politician Carlos Lacerda, who was a member of the party União Democrática Nacional (UDN). Based on news, editorials, articles and cartoons, it was noticed that over the years the Justicialism was associated, among other images, to nazism, to barbarism and to a continental conspiracy. It was demonstrated that the Argentinian regimen was presented not only as a non recommended model, but as a real threat to the Brazilian democracy, and this may have contributed to the no rapprochement between the two nations at that time.

The purpose of this study was to determine which type of bevel in a class IV dental composite restoration is the most esthetic and has the best blend to natural tooth structure via clinical and spectrophotometric evaluations. The null hypotheses were as follows: (1) there is no difference in visual evaluation rank scores among five groups of evaluators for each type of bevel; (2) there is no agreement in the visual evaluation rank scores of the seven groups of bevels among all evaluators or within each group of evaluators; (3) there is no difference in the lightness values among seven types of bevels at each of eight measurement points or for the whole tooth as measured by a spectrophotometer; and (4) there is no correlation between the visual evaluation and the spectrophotometric evaluation. The class IV samples were made via CAD/CAM milling for standardization. There were seven groups: negative control (no bevel); short (1mm) and straight bevel; short (1mm) and scalloped bevel; long (2mm) and straight bevel; long (2mm) and scalloped bevel; infinite (3+mm) and straight bevel; and infinite (3+mm) and scalloped bevel. The fractures were restored with the same type of dental composite via a digitally designed mold fabricated with a 3D printer. Once completed, the samples were randomized and evaluated visually by 91 people in five groups (faculty, graduate residents, pre-doctoral dental students, assistants/hygienists, and auxiliary staff). Evaluators placed the samples in the order they deemed least to most esthetic within a lightbox set to CIE Standard Illumination D65. After the visual evaluation, the lightness (L*) values were measured optically with a reflectance spectrophotometer at eight points on each of the seven bevel groups, as well as on an un-prepared typodont tooth used for reference. One-way ANOVA on ranked data with the post-hoc Bonferroni test was conducted to detect a significant difference in median rating score among five groups of evaluators, and Kendall’s W was used to evaluate an agreement among multiple raters. One-way ANOVA with the post-hoc Tukey’s HSD was used to find a significant difference in mean lightness values among seven types of bevels. Dunnett’s test was used to compare the reference group with each of the seven bevel groups when evaluating the lightness values. Pearson Correlation test along with the simple linear regression analysis were used to determine whether a significant relationship existed between visual evaluation scores and lightness values. The groups were ranked from least to most esthetic as follows: no bevel, short and straight bevel, short and scalloped bevel, long and straight bevel, long and scalloped bevel, infinite and straight bevel, and infinite and scalloped bevel by the 91 evaluators and Kendall’s W was 0.80 (strong agreement). Moreover, no significant difference in rating scores was found among the five groups of evaluators regarding each type of bevel (p>0.05). The overall mean lightness values observed in groups 1-3 were significantly higher than those in groups 6 and 7 (P< 0.05), but no significant difference was noted among groups 1-5 or among groups 4-7. As the lightness values measured by the spectrophotometer decreased, the overall visual evaluation score increased. The Pearson Correlation Coefficient of -0.89 indicated there was a strong negative correlation between the two variables (p=0.0066). Linear regression analysis revealed that the predictor of lightness was significant (strong negative correlation, R-square 0.99, p< 0.0001). The first null hypothesis was accepted and the second, third, and fourth were rejected. There was no difference in median visual evaluation rank scores among five groups of evaluators for each type of bevel, however, there was agreement in the ranked order as the findings of this study indicated that infinite and scalloped bevel was the most preferred and no bevel was the least preferred via a strong agreement the evaluators. There was a significant difference in lightness values among the seven bevel groups; the shorter bevels had higher L* values that were closer to the L* values of the reference tooth while the longer bevels had lower L* values. The correlation data showed that placing a longer bevel (3+mm) allowed for a more gradual transition and better blending capabilities between the tooth structure and dental composite. The overall conclusion from this study was the longer the bevel, the more gradual the change in Lightness (L*), which correlated to the more esthetic restoration, as determined by the evaluators.

Colored immigration from the New Commonwealth became a highly discussed issue in British party politics immediately following the Second World War, but in an effort to sustain Great Britain's imperial status, to portray the nation as a new enlightened force, and in reaction to the race issues taking hold in the American South, political elites moved to keep their debates concealed from the public. In this thesis, I investigate the positions of Labour and Conservative governments and the circumstances surrounding the emergence of race and immigration into the public sphere. Moreover, I examine the effects of its arrival. While the introduction of the British Nationality Act in 1948 by the Labour government might suggest a progressive and tolerant party focused on equality between all British subjects, and the restrictive legislation of 1962 indicates a Conservative party focused on restrictive, racist policies, thorough examination of the debates between the political elite and a clear understanding of the current state of affairs offers a different story. Immediate postwar policies were formed in the interest of shoring up empire, but as Britain began to move closer to Europe, realizing great power status might be beyond its capabilities, the importance of empire waned. Resultant discussions of restricting entry into Britain and increased racial tensions moved the debates from behind closed doors and into the public gaze. Party positions on the immigration became evident in the 1964 general election. The issue once relegated to private discussions between the political elite could now win or lose an election.