Entre os anos de 1808 e 1831, a cidade do Rio de Janeiro tornou-se um dos mais fecundos centros operísticos das Américas. Não o fora por acaso. Na primeira década do século XIX, o Teatro de São Carlos, de Lisboa, ainda era tido na Europa como a melhor ópera italiana além dos limites da Itália, e todo o fino cultivo do drama cantado italiano, desenvolvido desde o reinado de Dom João V, se transferiu, em parte, para a então capital do Estado do Brasil, quando a família real portuguesa e membros de sua corte ali se instalaram. Além de importantes autores e executantes europeus, o Rio passou a dispor, em poucos anos, de uma grande casa de ópera, comparada às melhores do Antigo Continente, e nesses pouco mais de vinte anos, cerca de quarenta títulos de óperas diferentes foram ali estreadas, fora as centenas de repetições. Além de ópera, podia-se também ouvir, no Rio desse mesmo período, excelente música sacra na Capela Real, depois Imperial. Para Manuel de Araújo Porto Alegre, esse gênero, \"que encantava os estrangeiros em Roma, era executado com a mesma perfeição, durante a Semana Santa, no Rio de Janeiro\", elogio, diga-se de passagem, endossado pela maior parte dos europeus que tiveram a oportunidade de ouvir tal conjunto musical, como Debret, Freycinet, Graham, Caldcleugh. Tal cultivo excelente da música sacra devia-se, em parte, à existência, ali, de exímios músicos nativos, como José Maurício Nunes Garcia e Pedro Teixeira de Seixas, mas, também, graças ao esforço de Dom João em fazer vir de Portugal, desde a sua chegada, muitos dos músicos que formaram, durante o reinado de Dona Maria I, \"a primeira Capela da Europa, superior inclusive à do Vaticano\", como testemunhou o viajante inglês William Beckford, em 1787. Por outro lado, entre setembro de 1831 e janeiro de 1844, surpreende notar que nenhum espetáculo de ópera completa tenha sido estreado ou sequer encenado no Rio de Janeiro. Como se não bastasse, cerca de dois meses após a abdicação de Dom Pedro I, o governo regencial fez cumprir, com extremo rigor, o orçamento imperial de 1831-1832, praticamente extinguindo a orquestra da Capela Imperial e reduzindo o número de músicos, que chegou a cerca de setenta na época de Dom Pedro I, a menos de trinta integrantes. A reorganização dessa orquestra somente iria ocorrer em maio de 1843, já em pleno segundo reinado. Nenhuma dúvida paira quanto ao fato de que essa depressão musical repentina e ao mesmo tempo duradoura dos anos 1831-1843 tenha uma íntima relação com o interregno de 1831-1840. Porém, nenhum estudo histórico ou musicológico foi realizado até hoje buscando, em meio a eventos de diversas naturezas - social, política e econômica -, estabelecer, com precisão, que fatores mais teriam contribuído para esse fulminante declínio da ópera e da música sacra na capital do Império, em 1831. Igualmente, jamais se explicou por que razão tantos anos, incluindo-se alguns já do segundo reinado, foram necessários para que o Rio de Janeiro voltasse a ter uma atividade musical similar à que tinha antes da partida de Dom Pedro I. Diante disso, procuraremos - acompanhando os moldes de alguns importantes estudos internacionais, os quais, paulatinamente, têm contribuído para a edificação de uma história mais geral da música - abrir não apenas um amplo leque de causas diretas dessa derrocada, como demonstrar que essa parte mais importante da atividade musical no Rio de Janeiro - a produção de te-déuns e óperas - esteve, até então - e desde muito antes do que se imaginava, ainda nos tempos dos Governadores e Vice-Reis -, assim como em Lisboa e em outras capitais européias, intimamente ligada ao simbolismo da figura do soberano, ao status do artifício maravilhoso e sagrado do poder real. E, daí, propor que a fundamental causa da decadência dos dois mais importantes organismos musicais do Rio de Janeiro durante os anos 1831-1843 tenha sido o concomitante enfraquecimento, após a partida de Dom Pedro I, dessa antiga expressão simbólica da monarquia, um ritual de manutenção de um poder real que se efetivava na atividade social de corte, prática recuperada, em parte, entre 1840 e 1841, com a Maioridade e a Coroação, e, cabalmente, em 1843, com o imperial consórcio. / In the years between 1808 and 1831, the city of Rio de Janeiro became one of the most active operatic centers in America. This had not been by chance. In the first decade of the 19th century, the São Carlos Theatre, in Lisbon, was still considered the best Italian opera house in Europe, outside Italy, and all the intense cultivation of the Italian lyric drama, developed since the reign of Dom João V, was, in part, transferred to the capital of the State of Brazil at that time, when the Portuguese royal family, together with members of the court, settled down there. Within a few years, besides important European composers and performers, Rio already had a great opera house which could be compared to the best ones in Europe, and during little more than those twenty years, nearly forty different opera titles were first performed there, not to mention hundreds of repetitions. In the same period, besides opera, it was also possible to listen to excellent sacred music in the Royal Chapel, called Imperial later on. According to Manuel de Araújo Porto Alegre, that kind of music \"which enchanted foreigners in Rome was equally played with the same perfection during the Holy Week in Rio de Janeiro\", a praise, in passing, supported by most of the Europeans who had the opportunity of listening to such a musical ensemble, as Debret, Freycinet, Graham, Caldcleugh and many others. Such an excellent cultivation of sacred music was due not only to the existence, there, of extraordinary native musicians, as José Maurício Nunes Garcia and Pedro Teixeira de Seixas, but also to the effort made by Dom João since his arrival, to fetch from Portugal several of the musicians who, during the reign of Dona Maria I, had formed \"the fist Chapel of Europe, superior to that one in the State of Vatican\", as the English traveller, William Beckford, had testified in 1787. On the other hand, it is a surprise to notice that, between September 1831 and January 1844, no complete opera had been first performed or even staged in Rio de Janeiro. Moreover, about two months after the abdication of Dom Pedro I, the regent government carried out the imperial budget of 1831- 1832 with extreme severity, practically extinguishing the Imperial Chapel Orchestra and reducing the number of musicians that had almost reached seventy, during the time of Dom Pedro I, to less than thirty. The reorganization of that orchestra would only occur on May 1843, in the second reign already. There is no doubt about the fact of that sudden and, at the same time, lasting musical depression of the years 1831-1843 has had a close relationship with the interregnum of 1831-1840. But no historical or musicological research has been accomplished so far, trying, among events of different nature - social, politic, economic -, to establish precisely which other causes had contributed to the extreme decline of opera and sacred music in the capital of the Empire in 1831. Likewise, it has never been explained why so many years, including some in the second reign, were necessary for Rio de Janeiro to have again a musical activity similar to that one before the departure of Dom Pedro I. Thinking of that - following the patterns of some important international researches that have slowly contributed to the edification of a more general history of the music - , we\'ll try not only to open a huge set of direct causes of such a destruction, but also to demonstrate that those most important musical activities in Rio de Janeiro - to produce Te Deum and opera - were since then - and since long before it could be imagined, still in the time of the Governors and Viceroys -, so as in Lisbon and other European capitals, closely connected to the symbolism of the image of the sovereign, to the status of the marvelous and sacred artifice of the royal power. And, from that, to propose that the chief cause of the decline of the two principal musical organisms of Rio de Janeiro, during the years 1831- 1843, had been the concomitant debility, after the departure of Dom Pedro I, of that old symbolic expression of monarchy, a ritual to maintain a royal power which became effective in the social activity of the court, custom recovered, in part, between 1840 and 1841, with the Majority and Coronation of Dom Pedro II, and finally completed with the imperial marriage, in 1843.

Entre os anos de 1808 e 1831, a cidade do Rio de Janeiro tornou-se um dos mais fecundos centros operísticos das Américas. Não o fora por acaso. Na primeira década do século XIX, o Teatro de São Carlos, de Lisboa, ainda era tido na Europa como a melhor ópera italiana além dos limites da Itália, e todo o fino cultivo do drama cantado italiano, desenvolvido desde o reinado de Dom João V, se transferiu, em parte, para a então capital do Estado do Brasil, quando a família real portuguesa e membros de sua corte ali se instalaram. Além de importantes autores e executantes europeus, o Rio passou a dispor, em poucos anos, de uma grande casa de ópera, comparada às melhores do Antigo Continente, e nesses pouco mais de vinte anos, cerca de quarenta títulos de óperas diferentes foram ali estreadas, fora as centenas de repetições. Além de ópera, podia-se também ouvir, no Rio desse mesmo período, excelente música sacra na Capela Real, depois Imperial. Para Manuel de Araújo Porto Alegre, esse gênero, \"que encantava os estrangeiros em Roma, era executado com a mesma perfeição, durante a Semana Santa, no Rio de Janeiro\", elogio, diga-se de passagem, endossado pela maior parte dos europeus que tiveram a oportunidade de ouvir tal conjunto musical, como Debret, Freycinet, Graham, Caldcleugh. Tal cultivo excelente da música sacra devia-se, em parte, à existência, ali, de exímios músicos nativos, como José Maurício Nunes Garcia e Pedro Teixeira de Seixas, mas, também, graças ao esforço de Dom João em fazer vir de Portugal, desde a sua chegada, muitos dos músicos que formaram, durante o reinado de Dona Maria I, \"a primeira Capela da Europa, superior inclusive à do Vaticano\", como testemunhou o viajante inglês William Beckford, em 1787. Por outro lado, entre setembro de 1831 e janeiro de 1844, surpreende notar que nenhum espetáculo de ópera completa tenha sido estreado ou sequer encenado no Rio de Janeiro. Como se não bastasse, cerca de dois meses após a abdicação de Dom Pedro I, o governo regencial fez cumprir, com extremo rigor, o orçamento imperial de 1831-1832, praticamente extinguindo a orquestra da Capela Imperial e reduzindo o número de músicos, que chegou a cerca de setenta na época de Dom Pedro I, a menos de trinta integrantes. A reorganização dessa orquestra somente iria ocorrer em maio de 1843, já em pleno segundo reinado. Nenhuma dúvida paira quanto ao fato de que essa depressão musical repentina e ao mesmo tempo duradoura dos anos 1831-1843 tenha uma íntima relação com o interregno de 1831-1840. Porém, nenhum estudo histórico ou musicológico foi realizado até hoje buscando, em meio a eventos de diversas naturezas - social, política e econômica -, estabelecer, com precisão, que fatores mais teriam contribuído para esse fulminante declínio da ópera e da música sacra na capital do Império, em 1831. Igualmente, jamais se explicou por que razão tantos anos, incluindo-se alguns já do segundo reinado, foram necessários para que o Rio de Janeiro voltasse a ter uma atividade musical similar à que tinha antes da partida de Dom Pedro I. Diante disso, procuraremos - acompanhando os moldes de alguns importantes estudos internacionais, os quais, paulatinamente, têm contribuído para a edificação de uma história mais geral da música - abrir não apenas um amplo leque de causas diretas dessa derrocada, como demonstrar que essa parte mais importante da atividade musical no Rio de Janeiro - a produção de te-déuns e óperas - esteve, até então - e desde muito antes do que se imaginava, ainda nos tempos dos Governadores e Vice-Reis -, assim como em Lisboa e em outras capitais européias, intimamente ligada ao simbolismo da figura do soberano, ao status do artifício maravilhoso e sagrado do poder real. E, daí, propor que a fundamental causa da decadência dos dois mais importantes organismos musicais do Rio de Janeiro durante os anos 1831-1843 tenha sido o concomitante enfraquecimento, após a partida de Dom Pedro I, dessa antiga expressão simbólica da monarquia, um ritual de manutenção de um poder real que se efetivava na atividade social de corte, prática recuperada, em parte, entre 1840 e 1841, com a Maioridade e a Coroação, e, cabalmente, em 1843, com o imperial consórcio. / In the years between 1808 and 1831, the city of Rio de Janeiro became one of the most active operatic centers in America. This had not been by chance. In the first decade of the 19th century, the São Carlos Theatre, in Lisbon, was still considered the best Italian opera house in Europe, outside Italy, and all the intense cultivation of the Italian lyric drama, developed since the reign of Dom João V, was, in part, transferred to the capital of the State of Brazil at that time, when the Portuguese royal family, together with members of the court, settled down there. Within a few years, besides important European composers and performers, Rio already had a great opera house which could be compared to the best ones in Europe, and during little more than those twenty years, nearly forty different opera titles were first performed there, not to mention hundreds of repetitions. In the same period, besides opera, it was also possible to listen to excellent sacred music in the Royal Chapel, called Imperial later on. According to Manuel de Araújo Porto Alegre, that kind of music \"which enchanted foreigners in Rome was equally played with the same perfection during the Holy Week in Rio de Janeiro\", a praise, in passing, supported by most of the Europeans who had the opportunity of listening to such a musical ensemble, as Debret, Freycinet, Graham, Caldcleugh and many others. Such an excellent cultivation of sacred music was due not only to the existence, there, of extraordinary native musicians, as José Maurício Nunes Garcia and Pedro Teixeira de Seixas, but also to the effort made by Dom João since his arrival, to fetch from Portugal several of the musicians who, during the reign of Dona Maria I, had formed \"the fist Chapel of Europe, superior to that one in the State of Vatican\", as the English traveller, William Beckford, had testified in 1787. On the other hand, it is a surprise to notice that, between September 1831 and January 1844, no complete opera had been first performed or even staged in Rio de Janeiro. Moreover, about two months after the abdication of Dom Pedro I, the regent government carried out the imperial budget of 1831- 1832 with extreme severity, practically extinguishing the Imperial Chapel Orchestra and reducing the number of musicians that had almost reached seventy, during the time of Dom Pedro I, to less than thirty. The reorganization of that orchestra would only occur on May 1843, in the second reign already. There is no doubt about the fact of that sudden and, at the same time, lasting musical depression of the years 1831-1843 has had a close relationship with the interregnum of 1831-1840. But no historical or musicological research has been accomplished so far, trying, among events of different nature - social, politic, economic -, to establish precisely which other causes had contributed to the extreme decline of opera and sacred music in the capital of the Empire in 1831. Likewise, it has never been explained why so many years, including some in the second reign, were necessary for Rio de Janeiro to have again a musical activity similar to that one before the departure of Dom Pedro I. Thinking of that - following the patterns of some important international researches that have slowly contributed to the edification of a more general history of the music - , we\'ll try not only to open a huge set of direct causes of such a destruction, but also to demonstrate that those most important musical activities in Rio de Janeiro - to produce Te Deum and opera - were since then - and since long before it could be imagined, still in the time of the Governors and Viceroys -, so as in Lisbon and other European capitals, closely connected to the symbolism of the image of the sovereign, to the status of the marvelous and sacred artifice of the royal power. And, from that, to propose that the chief cause of the decline of the two principal musical organisms of Rio de Janeiro, during the years 1831- 1843, had been the concomitant debility, after the departure of Dom Pedro I, of that old symbolic expression of monarchy, a ritual to maintain a royal power which became effective in the social activity of the court, custom recovered, in part, between 1840 and 1841, with the Majority and Coronation of Dom Pedro II, and finally completed with the imperial marriage, in 1843.

Le sujet interroge les procédés de structuration et de configuration d’une cour impériale, qu’ils soient spontanés ou à l’initiative de l’empereur. Comme le rappelle le sociologue allemand Norbert Elias, dont les travaux encadrent largement cette étude, la cour ne doit pas son existence à la volonté d’un seul individu. Le cadre chronologique de cette étude est celui d’un long IVe siècle, prétexte à l’observation d’une évolution de la structure aulique et de l’image de la dignité impériale sur le long terme. L’Occident offre un objet d’étude privilégié, par sa diversité et ses pratiques du pouvoir héritières d’une ancienne centralité axée sur la ville de Rome. Notre hypothèse de recherche vise à pondérer le « paradigme du prince décideur » et à faire de l’empereur du IVe siècle un acteur de la cour et non plus seulement le point nodal d’une structure aulique qui tend à s’autonomiser. Il s’agit de mieux appréhender l’évolution de la pratique d’un pouvoir souvent perçu comme autocratique, le façonnement d’une cour destinée à servir le prestige d’une dignité impériale restaurée et l’autonomisation d’une administration extrêmement lourde. La permanence de certains réseaux d’influence à la cour semble entraîner un paradoxe entre le renforcement de l’autorité impériale et la faiblesse de l’influence décisionnelle des empereurs dans certains domaines de la vie politique. Cette contradiction ménage de nouveaux espaces du pouvoir jusque dans les territoires de l’empire, sous la forme de projections spatiales de la réalité aulique à travers la mobilité des hauts fonctionnaires. De là, la cour apparaît d’abord comme une abstraction soumise au politique avant que d’être une réalité topographique. L’ « absolutisme » en tant que « trait dominant du régime » mérite une nouvelle approche historiographique à l’aune de ces nouvelles pratiques du pouvoir à l’œuvre dès la Tétrarchie. / The present subject examines the processes of structuration and configuration of an imperial court. Those processes could be spontaneous or on the emperor’s initiative. As the German sociologist Norbert Elias reminds us, the court doesn’t owe its existence to the will of one person. This study takes place in a long 4th century and highlights the evolution of the court structure and the representation of the imperial dignity over the long term. The Western empire is a priviledged field of study due to the diversity of its political practices of power inherited from the old centrality of power settled in Rome. Our research hypothesis is about moderating the paradigm of the ‘decision-maker prince’. In that sense, the emperor of the Late Roman Empire would become an actor of the court again and not only the nodal point of this structure which is trying to become autonomous. We would like to better comprehend the evolution of a power usually regarded as autocratic, the making process of a court intended to serve the prestige of a restored imperial dignity and the autonomisation of an heavy administration. There is a paradox between the permanency of some political networks at court, the reinforcement of the imperial authority and the decision-making weakness of the emperors in some aspects of the political life. This contradiction creates new spaces of power in empire's territories because of the mobility of the senior officials. In that, the court appears more as a political abstraction than just a topographic reality. The ‘absolutism’ of that time deserves a new historiographical approach to understand those new political practices noticeable since the Tetrarchy.

The thesis discusses the changes of the sociocultural role of Carnival and Charivari in the Western culture from the Late Middle Agges to the end of the early modern period. The thesis is graunded in the analysis of secondary literature about the carnival and charivari , which is considered to be paradigmatic in history. The analysis follows the thesis of theoretical concepts of N. Elias and M. Foucault. Both of these authors deal with establishing specific individuality of modern man based on the necessary self-control a courtesy codified by social consensus. Carnival and charivari are examples of ritualized collective transgression, which helps create the values and norms of society. Carnival is primarily an expression of popular culture, which includes ritual, play and festivities. It celebrates human nature; the bodily pleasure food, drink, sex and violence, everything that should be civilized by culture. The goal of the thesis is to examine the process of civilizing or disciplining carnival , to determine the initiators and agents of this change. Following the previous then to check whether originally spontaneous carnival festivities, games and rituals in the historical development, which is characterized by a loss of spontaneity, commercialization and professionalization, completely lost their...

This thesis explores the societal implications of Gustav III’s national costume in the context of Swedish court society during the late eighteenth century. With the aims of uncovering King Gustav III’s view of the National Costume and its role in Swedish court society, as well as how we can understand the National Costume’s meaning for the aristocracy in late eighteenth-century Sweden, this thesis presents a post-structural textual analysis of Gustav III’s (1806) REFLEXIONER, angående en ny nationel klädedrägt (Reflections concerning a new national costume) in order to uncover King Gustav III’s perception of and ideology behind the national costume. This is then juxtaposed with a similar analysis of a chapter from Hedvig Elisabeth Charlotta’s (1902) journal, representing an aristocratic counter-perspective. This thesis presents a previously unexplored sociological perspective in studying Gustav III’s National Costume. Departing from Norbert Elias’ work around the court society, arguments are made for the interpretation of the National Costume as an instrument in court ceremonial, at the king’s disposal, holding the potential to create a distance in power between the Swedish court nobility and the monarchy. Furthermore, it is argued that the National Costume represents an oppressive force to the Swedish court nobility as a social class.

Très apprécié et répandu pendant la deuxième moitié du XVIIe siècle et les premières décennies du XVIIIe, le portrait historié fut un phénomène caractéristique de la société de cour, révélateur des pratiques artistiques et culturelles de ce milieu. Partout en Europe et surtout en France, l’élite sociale se faisait peindre en costume de fantaisie mythologique ou historique par des peintres célèbres tels que Nicolas de Largillierre, Pierre Gobert, François de Troy, Jean-Marc Nattier ou Jean Raoux. Figurant encore parmi les desiderata de l’histoire de l’art, l’étude scientifique exhaustive du portrait historié peut toutefois contribuer à la recherche sur le portrait français de l’Ancien Régime en général. Afin de définir la place particulière qui prenait ce type de portrait dans le monde artistique, culturel et sociale de l’époque, nous avons établi une historiographie qui tient compte 1) des innovations iconographiques et formelles du genre, 2) des rapports culturels changeants de ces portraits, 3) de leurs fonctions sociales, et 4) des réactions du public et de la critique d’art à partir du milieu du XVIIIe siècle. Face au discours des Lumières et avec la crise de la monarchie absolutiste en France, ses expressions culturelles et artistiques perdirent leur légitimation, et notamment le portrait historié, étroitement lié aux principes mêmes et aux convictions de la société de cour. / The portrait historié was one of the most characteristic and revealing phenomena of French court society, closely relying on this particular milieu’s artistic and cultural practices, and was thus very much appreciated during the second half of the seventeenth century and the first decades of the eighteenth century. Members of the social elites all over Europe and especially in France chose to sit in mythological or historicized costumes for renowned artists such as Nicolas de Largillierre, Pierre Gobert, François de Troy, Jean-Marc Nattier or Jean Raoux. An extensive study of this particular kind of portraiture, which is still one of the desiderata in art historical research, might generally contribute to scientific research on French portraits from the Ancien Régime. In order to define the artistic, cultural and social impact and status of portraits historiés, the thesis examines the institutional, iconographic and formal evolution of the genre, its cultural context and influences, its social functions, as well as its reception in 18th century public sphere and especially in the context of enlightened discourse. Resulting from the moral and esthetic principles of court society, these cultural and artistic expressions derived from the absolutist French monarchy lost their legitimation during a period of political and social change and revolution.

Cette thèse propose une analyse de la « cour royale » égyptienne sous la XXVIème dynastie saïte (664-525 av. J.-C.) à partir des sources majoritairement textuelles (privées et royales) et historiques. Le volume de synthèse se développe autour de trois axes principaux traitant la « cour » dans son acception sociale, telle qu’on l’entend dans la sociologie historique. La première partie est ainsi consacrée à l’étude de la cour comme la Maison du souverain afin d’éclairer l’ensemble des activités qui caractérisent la « vie de cour » et son organisation domestique et qui rendent l’espace curial « privé » ou « officiel ». La deuxième partie examine la cour dans son agencement social et en tant qu’outil de représentation et de communication : ce sont alors le protocole du palais royal et son rôle-clef dans le maintien de l’équilibre social entre les souverains saïtes et leurs sujets (système des faveurs–ḥswt) qui sont analysés. La troisième partie se concentre sur les acteurs sociaux de la Résidence du roi (les courtisans et l’entourage royal) et tente de démontrer les différentes catégories auxquelles appartiennent ces élites et de déceler les modalités de leurs accès au palais et au rang de « courtisan modèle » dans la hiérarchie de la cour. Enfin, l’enquête diachronique suivie tout au long de la synthèse permet de mieux connaître l’impact des emprunts archaïsants dans le système palatin saïte, et par conséquent, d’évaluer la continuité et/ou le changement de ce système par rapport aux modèles traditionnels de la cour pharaonique. Le volume du corpus regroupe un ensemble de données prosopographiques appartenant à plus de 130 officiers royaux. Un troisième volume est consacré à la bibliographie générale, aux annexes et index. / This thesis offers an analysis of the Egyptian "royal court" under the XXVIth Saite Dynasty (664-525 BC) based on textual (private and official records) and historical sources. The synthesis develops around three main axes and deals with the "Court" in its social meaning as defined by the historical sociology. The first part, then, concentrates on the study of the court as the House of the sovereign and attempts to identify the activities which characterize the "court life", its domestic organization and which make the curial space "private" or "official". The second part examines the court as a symbol of social order and the outil of representation and communication of the monarchic authority: the protocol of the Royal palace and its key role to maintain the social balance between the Saite kings and their subjects (system of the favours ḥswt) are analyzed here. The third part focuses on the social actors of the Residence (courtiers and royal entourage) and tends to demonstrate the various categories of these elites and to reveal the modalities of their accesses to the palace and to the position of "model courtier" within the hierarchical order of the court. Finally, the diachronic study followed throughout the synthesis allows to better comprehend the impact of the Archaism on the Saite palace institution and consequently to estimate the continuity and/or the changes of this system compared to the traditional models of the Pharaonic court. The corpus includes a group of prosopographical data belonging to more than 130 royal high officials. The third volume is composed of three sections general bibliography, appendices and indexes.