The instabilities in the late Qing Dynasty stimulated the reformation movement proposed by the intellectuals and caused a chain reaction in Chinese literature, in which the vision, theme, narrative mode, and aesthetics gradually deviated from the earlier traditions. In general, regardless of complicated contents and diversity of literary genres, the ideas also increased in diversity, and the language of writing moved from Classical Chinese to vernacular Chinese. From the aspect of literary development, this is the evolution from the old to the new. Even though it was only transitional, its function and value as a connection cannot be ignored. This essay compiles the evolutionary pattern of the prose since Gong Zizhen. Chapter One is the Introduction. Chapter Two, covering the social changes and development from the late Ming Dynasty to the early Qing Dynasty, discusses the elements of modernization during the late Ming Dynasty, the development and restrictions in the early writings of the Qing Dynasty, to determine the inner clues related to the literary evolution of the late Qing Dynasty. Chapter Three, focusing on the Opium War in 1840 and the writings of Gong Zizhen, Wei Yuan, and the students of Tongcheng Yao School, discusses the tendency behind the evolution of prose in the late Qing Dynasty before and after the Opium Wars (between 1820 and 1850). Chapter Four, covering the period from the Taiping Rebellion to the Sino-Japanese War (1850-1894), discusses how Hong Rengan, Wang Tao, and Zeng Guofan, as the forerunners of the cultural exchange between the East and the West, gradually brought Western knowledge into Chinese prose, thus leading to the development of modern prose. Chapter Five, covering the post Sino-Japanese War period to the end of the Qing Dynasty (1894-1911), with Lin Shu, Yen Fu, and Liang Qichao as examples, discusses the new literary evolution of traditional prose since the early Nineteenth Century, regarding demands for political reformation and social changes. The new course on contents and style had begun, either consciously or unconsciously, thus establishing a new model for literary creation. After the Opium Wars, many literary reformers and other people contributed greatly to the evolution of prose. Yet, this essay can only list a few because of the length, and thus to show the clues to understanding the changes. Generally, the modernization of Chinese prose began the social turbulences and demands for political and cultural reformation. This evolution remained unconscious since Gongwei, up to Lin Shu and Yen Fu. It was not until the Literary Revolution proposed by Liang Qichao, that it became a conscious movement. The new literary style became popular with the press and generated the May 4th Movement.

This thesis is aimed at analysing key similarities and differences of the Englsih Defence League and the German-born social movement PEGIDA. Whereas both movements have a common goal, to stop the perceived Islamisation of their respective countries, and Europe as a whole, the means and methods vary greatly. Moreover, it is argued that the followership of said organisations differ in age, social background and motivation. Both organisations are able to exert a certain amount of influence on their supporters, the rest of the society, as well as policy- makers and the political elite. Both organisations have influenced the societal and political climate of their respective countries of origin and also in the countries in the European neighbourhood with links to individuals and organisations in North America.

This thesis is aimed at analysing key similarities and differences of the Englsih Defence League and the German-born social movement PEGIDA. Whereas both movements have a common goal, to stop the perceived Islamisation of their respective countries, and Europe as a whole, the means and methods vary greatly. Moreover, it is argued that the followership of said organisations differ in age, social background and motivation. Both organisations are able to exert a certain amount of influence on their supporters, the rest of the society, as well as policy- makers and the political elite. Both organisations have influenced the societal and political climate of their respective countries of origin and also in the countries in the European neighbourhood with links to individuals and organisations in North America.

Biennials, both historically and in the present, form a significant part of the contemporary art world. However, beyond simply acting as platforms for contemporary art, these extensive, recurring international exhibitions also facilitate complex dialogues involving a variety of agents, both cultural and political. With the inherently political nature of these exhibitions in mind, this thesis examines Canadian participation in the Venice and São Paulo biennials from 1951 to 1958. By examining what I identify as the triple purpose of the biennial - the exhibition of contemporary art, the facilitation of cultural diplomacy, and the creation and reinforcement of cultural nationalist narratives - this paper further explicates the National Gallery of Canada’s role in defining Canadian culture and the relationships between visual culture, cultural nationalism, cultural diplomacy and institutional politics in the postwar era. Drawing upon Judith Balfe’s conception of the utilization and manipulation of visual culture for nationalistic or diplomatic ends, I argue that participation in the Venice Biennale served as a means of reinforcing the presence of an NGC-defined culture of Canadian art to an international audience comprised mainly of artistic and diplomatic elite. Conversely, participation in the São Paulo Bienal served primarily as a conduit for the Department of External Affairs to project a positive image of Canadian culture to other nations and foster cordial relations between like-minded nations. I contend that a comparative analysis of Canadian participation in the two biennials highlights the complicated relationship between the NGC and the Department of External Affairs as well as the ideological adherence of both institutions towards liberalism and liberal democracy. / Thesis (Master, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-26 16:43:34.318

This thesis is about the construction of a nationalised public Catholic culture in Slovakia from 1985 to 1993. At the core of this culture was the assumption that the Catholic Church had always been an integral part of the Slovak nation, her past, her present and her future. The thesis seeks to answer the question of who created this culture during the 1980s and 1990s and how and why they did so. To answer these questions this thesis adopts a cultural approach and explores how this culture was created utilising the concepts of collective memory, symbols and events as its main analytical tools. The data for this analysis include, but are not restricted to, materials produced in relation to various commemorative events and pilgrimages, especially those related to the leading national Catholic symbols: the National Patroness Our Lady of the Seven Sorrows and Saints Cyril and Methodius. The thesis argues that this culture was deliberately constructed from the point of view of many actors. Before 1989 these included the official Catholic hierarchy, underground Catholic Church communities, the pope and nationalist Communists. After 1989 these actors continued to construct this culture even as their positions of power changed. Most notably, underground Catholics became part of current ecclesiastical and political elite, and communist nationalists dissociated themselves from the Communist Party but retained their position within the cultural and political elite. The thesis consists of three chapters. The first chapter looks at how the nationalised public Catholic culture started in the mid-1980s with underground Catholic communities that focused on culture and grassroots mobilisation. The second chapter looks at how the nationalist Communists and the official church hierarchy became involved in construction of parts of this culture and how their involvement resonated with the underground Catholic communities. Chapter Three examines how this culture continued to develop in the early 1990s in a new political context, and how it contributed to a broader cultural legitimisation of Slovak independence.

The purpose of this thesis is to discover and assess the rhetorical methods employed by LeRoi Jones in the evolution of cultural black nationalism. First, the thesis concentrates on his ethos and philosophy. Second, it analyzes the cultural black nationalism organization in Newark, New Jersey. Third, it discusses the impact of LeRoi Jones on the black cultural nationalism movement. The conclusions drawn from this study reveal that LeRoi Jones was able to attract, maintain, and mold his followers, to build a sizable power base, and to adapt to several audiences simultaneously. Implications of the study are that because of his rigid requirements and a gradual change in ideology, LeRoi Jones is now losing ground as a leader.

La politique vietnamienne de promotion de l’héritage culturel, mise en œuvre depuis le « Renouveau » (1986) conformément aux objectifs de valorisation et de sauvegarde des sites du Patrimoine mondial classés par l’UNESCO, a occasionné ces dernières décennies une floraison inouïe de fêtes rituelles, festivals folkloriques et cérémonies cultuelles témoignant d’un phénomène qui, sans être nouveau, demeure significatif dans le Vietnam contemporain : le retour aux sources et aux valeurs traditionnelles. Cette « retraditionalisation idéologique » (C. Geertz) vise à exalter le nationalisme culturel à l’aune du modèle de l’État-nation moderne dans l’optique de renouveler et renforcer la légitimité du Parti communiste vietnamien (PCV). Le projet nationaliste s’impose dès les premiers jours de la libération nationale et de la construction du nouvel État : la République démocratique du Vietnam (en 1945). Il puise sa force motrice dans les « mytho-moteurs » (J. Armstrong) de la tradition pérenne de la nation et révèle ainsi une continuité, et non une rupture, de la politique du PCV avec l’Histoire de longue durée. Or, loin d’être une continuité naturelle, ce retour aux sources relève bel et bien d’une stratégie symbolique du régime actuel, consistant à revaloriser l’héritage du passé ainsi qu’à retravailler et inventer la tradition (E. Hobsbawm). La présente étude s’efforce d’éprouver l’hypothèse selon laquelle, les informations du JT de 19 heures de la Télévision nationale sont le révélateur de la construction de mythes essentialistes qui, au-delà des images mentales et typifiées, constituent une force conductrice, une forme sensible et un processus d’appartenance communautaire. Le recours à une anthropologie des médias comme cadre explicatif et conceptuel est incontournable dans la mesure où les médias ˗ un faiseur de mythe de l’ère moderne ˗ sont inséparables de la culture et de l’histoire nationale. À l’instar de L. Quéré, nous considérons l’espace médiatique comme un « tiers symbolisant » ou un espace référentiel plutôt qu’un espace de représentations. Cette approche permet d’examiner, dans une perspective phénoménologique et pragmatique, l’apparition, la publicisation et la transformation des mythes en problèmes publics et actions collectives. Nous avons construit trois modèles heuristiques afin d’examiner les aspects performatifs et générateurs de sens de la production télévisuelle des mythes : l’espace public de communion (analyse discursive) ; le mode mythificalisant (analyse sémio-pragmatique du dispositif télévisé) et le récit identificatoire (analyse narratologique de la temporalisation du récit mythique). La narrativité de la propagande communiste qui reste prégnante dans le journal, opère quant à elle un glissement progressif du discours propagandiste vers l’univers du mythe national : elle se situe au niveau du métalangage barthésien, sans être pour autant dénuée de pragmatisme. Loin de l’approche instrumentale de la manipulation, nous adhérons à l’approche culturaliste de l’ethno-nationalisme, en avançant que le recours aux idées ethno-nationalistes relèverait de facto d’une croyance effective du manipulateur en tant que membre de la communauté ethnique : le ressort culturel mobilisé pour manipuler autrui s’incorpore à son propre système de croyance. Cependant, puisque son « programme de vérité » correspond à des « régimes de croyance » (P. Veyne) différents, le mythe possède autant de force de structuration que de déstructuration et, par conséquent, rend fragile et incertain l’avenir de toute idéologie nationaliste. / Since the ʺRenovationʺ era (1986), Vietnam has been promoting its cultural heritage in full compliance with UNESCO’s objective of cultural renewal and protection through its World Heritage programme. Over the past decades, this policy has brought about an unheard-of blossoming of ritual celebrations, folk festivals and cult ceremonies. Such a nationwide phenomenon of revisiting its origins and traditional values, though not new, is quite significant in contemporary Vietnam, where this type of ʺideological re-traditionalizationʺ (C. Geertz) aims at exalting cultural nationalism in the light of the modern Nation-State with a view to renewing and strengthening the legitimacy of its Communist Party (VCP). This nationalist undertaking, which has proved vital from the early days of the National Liberation and the establishment of the new State ‒ the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (1945) ‒ draws its driving force from the ʺmythomoteursʺ (J. Armstrong) of the perennial national tradition, thus revealing a continuity, not a breach, of the VCP policy within the long-term history. However, far from being inherent, this continuity is indeed a symbolic strategy developed by the regime in order to renew the country’s heritage, redraft and contrive its folklore (E. Hobsbawm). In this study, we attempt to test the hypothesis whereby the Vietnamese Television’s 7 pm TV newscast is a pointer of an essentialist myth-building which, beyond the formation of mental and typified images, organizes a driving force, a sensitive form and a community-belonging process. Utilizing media anthropology as an explanatory and conceptual framework is crucial insofar as the media –makers of myth in the modern era – cannot be separated from the national history and culture. Following L. Quéré, we consider the media sphere as a ʺsymbolising third-partyʺ or a referential sphere rather than one of representations. By virtue of this approach, we can examine from a phenomenological and pragmatic perspective the appearance, publicization and transformation of myths into public problems and collective actions. We have developed three heuristic models in order to examine the performative and meaning-generating aspects of televisual myth-making: the public sphere of communion (discursive analysis); the myth-making mode (semio-pragmatic analysis of the televisual apparatus); and the identificatory story (narratological analysis of the temporalization of the mythical narrative). The tale of the Communist propaganda, still prevalent in the TV newscast, is assuming a gradual shift, from the discourse of propaganda towards the realm of national myths: its level is that of the Barthesian meta-language, yet not without pragmatism. Rather than to the instrumental approach of manipulation, we adhere to the culturalistic approach of ethno-nationalism, and argue that resorting to ethno-nationalist ideas may fall de facto within the true belief of the manipulator as a member of the ethnic community: the cultural resource summoned to manipulate others is integrated into his own belief system. However, since its ʺprogramme of truthʺ matches different ʺsystems of beliefʺ (P. Veyne), myth holds a destructuring as much as a structuring force, conveying any kind of nationalist ideology frailty and unpredictability.

No description available.

This study examines auto/biographical, theoretical, critical, literary, and dramatic works by and about LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka, primarily focusing on the eruption of “Hate Whitey” sentiment and rhetoric that characterized a decadelong cultural nationalist phase of the henceforth selfdeclaredly Black poet-playwright’s career. As a black militant, LeRoi Jones left his white wife and other white associates in Greenwich Village, moved to Harlem, changed his name to Amiri Baraka, converted to Islam, and started the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School. This thesis contends that Baraka’s Black Arts Movement era plays emphasize negation of the value of white women and gay men, who had formed his most intimate prior cohorts, and use extreme imagery to malign, belittle, and abjure representatives of both groups as evil, ridiculous, and disgusting archetypes in an attempt to affirm the political stance of the author and preempt doubt about his level of commitment to his chosen cause during that period. Through these plays written from the mid-1960s to mid-1970s, Baraka denies his own personal history and appears to protest too much the virtues of corrective Afrocentric relationships which his works fail to affirm as much as he condemns their alternatives. However, after the purgative effect of these revolutionary works, Baraka’s evolution arrived at a place where he could once again acknowledge and promote a diverse equality that included respect for the partners and peers he had abnegated. Conclusions of this research suggest connections between the personal implications of Baraka’s individual journey and prominent themes stressed in the broader field of identity politics.

Denna uppsats rör sig inom fältet kritiska kulturarvsstudier och fokuserar på svensk utförselreglering av kulturhistoriska föremål genom tiderna. Utgångspunkten ligger i 2014 års omformulering av kulturmiljölagens portalparagraf, vilken numera inkluderar mångfaldsmål. Kulturmiljölagens utförselreglering (reglerad i 5:e kapitlet), som inte uppdaterades samtidigt, är tänkt att läsas mot bakgrund av de inledande bestämmelserna. Eftersom den sedan tidigare uppfattats vila på ålderdomliga nationalistiska värdegrunder, uppstod frågan ifall det fanns en diskrepans i förhållande till de nya målen. För att hitta svar söker sig uppsatsen tillbaka till utförselregleringens formativa moment samt förändring från 1920-talet och framåt och sätter detta i relation till nuvarande kulturpolitiska mål och kulturvård i dagens samhälle. Motiv till utförselreglering men också vilka föremålstyper som skyddats genom tiderna har studerats, analyserats och jämförts kvalitativt. Källmaterialet utgörs framförallt av lagtexter, statliga offentliga utredningar och propositioner. Undersökningen visar att lagen från att ha skyddat ett fåtal föremåltyper succesivt har utökats och detaljerats både vad gäller föremålstyp, ålder, värde och ursprung. Med den högre graden särskiljning och utpekande följer problematik kring vad som räknas in och inte. Vissa traditionellt högt värderade föremålstyper och perioder har skyddats hela tiden medan andra mindre värderade konsekvent har uteslutits, trots långt gånga diskussioner om en mer inkluderande lagstiftning redan i tidiga förarbeten. Den breddade synen kring vad som är bevarandevärt, vilken kan skönjas i museers nutida insamlingspolicys, återspeglas inte i lagtexten. Istället har tydliga ekonomiska, kulturella, etniska och åldersmässiga hierarkier skapats. Flytt från en ursprunglig historisk miljö till en annan plats i Sverige kan orsaka skador på kulturarvet som är större än de skador som kan uppstå om ett föremål som redan flyttats från sin ursprungliga miljö istället flyttas utomlands, något som ignoreras i lagtexten. Lagen utgår ifrån att vissa föremål är svenska folkets egendom och att nationen Sverige är en trygg, ursprunglig och naturlig miljö för dem trots att motsatsen ofta har bevisats. En paradox skönjas i det faktum att vanskötsel och förvanskning av värdefulla och utförselskyddade kulturföremål inte är olagligt, så länge föremålet stannar innanför landsgränsen. De kulturpolitiska målen har alltsedan 1970-talets slut påverkat de uttalade motiven till utförsellagstiftningen. Eftersom ålderdomliga värdegrunder och normer, däribland en hel del nationalistiska sådana, där svensk kultur ses som tydlig avgränsad, högtstående och suverän, fortfarande lyser igenom i utförsellagstiftningen, tydliggörs tendensen till en retorisk men inte grundläggande förändring inom kulturarvssektorn. Hypotesen om att kapitel 5 fortfarande står på en grund av nationalistiska värderingar, nationell protektionism och nationellt identitetsskapande kan därmed sägas stämma. / This paper is located in the field of critical heritage studies and focusses on Swedish cultural heritage law and the export control of moveable heritage objects. The starting point for the research lies in the 2014 redrafting of the opening section of the cultural heritage law, which for the first time includes objectives relating to pluralism and diversity. Export control (which is regulated in the 5th chapter of the cultural heritage law), was not updated at the same time, but it is nevertheless intended to be read in the light of the preliminary provisions. Since chapter 5 previously was perceived to rest on outdated nationalistic values, the question arise as to whether there is a discrepancy in relation to the new objectives that were formulated in 2014. In order to address the question the study looks back at the formative moments and change of the export control regulations from the 1920s onwards and relates this to current cultural policy objectives and goals of conservation. The motives for export control and the type of objects protected through the ages are analysed and compared qualitatively. The source material primarily consists of legal documents, state government investigations and government bills. The study shows that the law gradually changed from protecting a few object types to become more expansive and detailed in terms of the type of artifact and it´s age, value, and origin. This increased degree of segregation and designation leads to concerns relating to what is included and what is not. Some traditionally highly valued object types and periods have continued to be protected whilst others are consistently less valued and excluded, despite ongoing discussions about the need for a more inclusive legislation since the early preparatory work. The broadened idea about what is worth preserving, which can be seen in the contemporary collection policies of museums, is not reflected in the legislation. Instead evident economic, cultural, ethnic and age hierarchies have been created. The law ignores the fact that moving an artifact from its original historical setting to another location in Sweden can cause greater harm than moving an object that has already been moved from its original location overseas. Instead the law assumes that certain objects are the property of the Swedish people and that the nation of Sweden is a safe, original and “natural” environment for them, despite the fact that the opposite often proves to be the case. A paradox is evident in the fact that the mismanagement and distortion of valuable artifacts that are protected against export is not illegal, as long as the object stays inside the borders of Sweden. Cultural policy objectives have, since the late 1970s, influenced the stated rationale for cultural heritage law and export legislation. Since outdated values and standards, including numerous nationalistic ones, where Swedish culture is seen as being distinct, high-cult and sovereign, still shines through in the export legislation, it is clear that there is a tendency to a rhetorical but not a fundamental change in parts of the cultural heritage sector, including the legislative context. The hypothesis that chapter 5 is still underpinned and characterised by nationalistic values, national protectionism and the creation of national identity can thus be said to be proven.