Twenty eight years ago there was a brutal war in Bosnia and Herzegovina between the three main ethnic groups in the country as a part of the bracke-up of Yugoslavia  (Balazs, 2008). This thesis analyses how the OHR has contributed to the reconciliation process in Bosnia and Herzegovina by looking at academic articles, information from local actors, analysing the local debate and semistructured interviews within the international community in BiH. Primarily, Bar-Tals conditions for reconciliation are used to measure how the OHR has contributed to the reconciliation process. It is clear that OHR has contributed positively to the reconciliation process however the process has been slow and some consider the reconciliation process to go in the wrong direction right now. To push the reconciliation process forward is explicitly not a part of the OHRs mandate however there is a lack of actors working with it and OHR has been a suitable actor to do so. However, the OHR have lost respect because they have not held people accountable when violating the OHR decisions. Additionally, the OHR is seen as anti-Serb by the Bosnian Serbs, even though it is unrightfully so this has resulted in there decisions occasionally leading to further polarisation between the ethnic groups. Thus, the OHR may not be the most suitable actor to push BiH forward in the reconciliation process in the future, however they are still needed to make sure that the peace agreement is followed to avoid another war. There is already extensive research on the reconciliation process in BiH and the OHR separately however there is very limited research on how the OHR have worked with the reconciliation process even though the research is relevant considering that there is an discussion on about how much influence the OHR should have in BiH and if they should remain in BiH (Hayat Media BiH, 2023). As well as to give the OHR an opportunity to learn from perilous mistakes and perfect their way of working with reconciliation.

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This study has the ambition to examine and compare Angolas failed peace process with Bosnia-Herzegovina’s successful peace process through Kumar Rupesinghes theory in conflict transformation. By comparing the two peace processes through Rupesinghes theory we can get an answer why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia-Herzegovina’s lasted.   This study has two purposes.   Based on a comparison of Angolas and Bosnia-Herzegovina’s peace processes, how well is it possible to explain the outcome of the two countries peace process?   How useful is Rupesinghes theory?   The study showed that Bosnia-Herzegovina employed factors from Rupesinghes theory, in a much higher sense than Angola. They were especially more successful in employing the economic factors from Rupesinghes theory. This therefore can be a reason why Angola’s peace failed while Bosnia’s lasted. In testing the theory’s usefulness the study showed that the theory is useful in many factors and can be used to give a qualified answer to why a peace lasts or fails. But the theory also has its flaws, some of the steps in the theory need a better explanation and some of the steps are more important depending on which country the theory is applied upon.     Key words: Angola, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kumar Rupesinghe, conflict transformation, civil-war, peace, peace processes, Bicesse, Dayton

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was ended in 1995 with the signing of the Dayton Agreement. However, despite almost 25 years passing since its implementation Bosnia and Herzegovina is still a troubled state with deep internal divisions. This study seeks to analyzethe Dayton Agreement using an English School framework together with an examination of the most prevalent approach to peace within it. In Particular, it uses recent English School theoretical developments that place the concepts of order and justice on a spectrum where an ideal mix is sought. The focus is on discovering whether there is a focus on order to the detriment of justice. To accomplish this the thesis uses a combination of qualitative text analysis and the ADICO grammatical syntax which seeks to analyze statements by breaking them down into their constituent parts. The results of the analysis showed that the initial hypothesis was faulty, and order was in fact the least coded part of the Dayton Agreement. However, it also uncovereda number of problems, and contradictions within the Agreement, most of whom were to the detriment of the parts dedicated to justice and peacebuilding. Findings indicate that the parts of the Dayton Agreement focusing on justice and long-term peacebuilding have been negatively affected by inconsistencies and problems within it as well as the sheer variety of goals that the Agreement seeks to fulfill. This in turn has had implications for the long-term success and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

After the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina erupted into ethnic conflict and ultimately genocide. Nearly 100,000 people, mainly Bosniaks, died in the Bosnian War. Two decades later, the violence has ended but the conflict is still present in Bosnia; the societal segregation of the 1995 Dayton Accords, intended only as an immediate solution to the violence, still stands. Population and language distribution are evidence of this segregation. Bosnia’s two entities are home to two different ethnic majorities: Serbs in the Republika Srpska and Bosniaks in the Federation of BiH. In an environment so sensitive that the government recently feared that merely releasing statistics on ethnic populations might cause violence, the languages that represent these populations are important indicators of social presence and power. In order to evaluate the presence of the Serbian and Bosnian languages, as well as the English language, in Bosnia, signage on the main streets in the country’s capitals were photographed in great detail. It was hypothesized that linguistic majority would match ethnic majority on both main streets, and that English would appear frequently in advertisements. The number of photographs in which each language appeared was tallied up in order to determine how often the languages are typically used. Analyses of these results demonstrated that the English language is the second-most ubiquitous on both streets, after Bosnian, and the comparatively small presence of the Serbian language on both streets indicated that the linguistic environment in Bosnia is not conducive to peace and reconciliation.

Thesis (M.A.)--Catholic Theological Union at Chicago, 1994. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [54]-57).

[pt] Este trabalho examina lugares cotidianos para entender como demarcações são efetuadas, empregadas, alteradas e deslocadas na Bósnia-Herzegovina do pós-Dayton. Analisaremos aqui práticas de demarcação que podem ou não envolver delimitações geográficas e que foram reorganizadas pelo Acordo de Paz de Dayton de formas a lhes assegurarem um papel mais proeminente na vida sociopolítica da Bósnia e Herzegovina. Ao promover um esforço para conceituar fronteiras e demarcações, esta tese argumenta que estas são dependentes de práticas, o que lhes confere um status precário e indica que podem ser alteradas. Assim, elas podem ser reempregadas (no sentido de se desviar de um significado e receber um significado diferente); alteradas e deslocadas, mas também muito mais, como será exposto aqui: minimizadas, subvertidas, desdenhadas, mas também reforçadas, reafirmadas e celebradas. É, portanto, olhando para o cotidiano que este trabalho busca entender o(s) sentido(s) atribuído(s) a essas demarcações, sabendo, no entanto, que elas são permeadas de contradições e podem ser empregadas de maneiras diferentes por pessoas diferentes. O cotidiano, que geralmente recebe nossa desatenção diária, será considerado aqui uma categoria analítica relevante através da qual realizaremos essa pesquisa. Na verdade, o cotidiano não pode ser reduzido a práticas sem importância ou ao banal, como o mero resíduo do político. O cotidiano está, na verdade, profundamente relacionado com todas as atividades, e as engloba com todas as suas diferenças e conflito (Lefebvre, 1991:97) e, portanto, possibilita conexões e mediações entre categorias frequentemente apresentadas como dicotomias, como o público e o privado, o excepcional e a rotina (Lefebvre, 2008:16). É, portanto, no e através do cotidiano que essas tensões são negociadas, as disputas têm lugar e apropriações e até transformações são realizadas. Esta pesquisa foi realizada em Sarajevo e Mostar, duas das principais cidades da Bósnia-Herzegovina. Mais especificamente, esta pesquisa analisa lugares cotidianos dentro dessas cidades, como escolas, ruas, praças, cafés, estações de ônibus e shoppings, que muitas vezes atuam como a própria materialização dessas demarcações (etnonacionais, entre o local/internacionais) ou a arena na qual essas demarcações são reconfiguradas e deslocadas. Esta tese, portanto, proporciona um relato alternativo em relação a narrativas mais oficiais sobre divisões etnonacionais, bem como questiona as categorias local e internacional na Bósnia do pós-Dayton. / [en] This work looks at everyday places in order to understand how boundaries are enacted and re-employed, shifted and displaced in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. Post-Dayton boundaries correspond to practices of demarcation that may or may not entail geographic delimitations and that have been reorganized by the Dayton Peace Agreement in ways that have assured them a more prominent role in sociopolitical life in BiH. While engaging in an effort to conceptualize borders and boundaries, this thesis argues that boundaries are dependent on practices, which confers upon them a precarious status and indicates that they might be changed. Boundaries may thus be re-employed (in the sense of diverting its original meaning and employing a different one); shifted and displaced, but also much more, as it will be exposed here: crossed, minimized, subverted, dismissed, disdained, but also reinforced, reaffirmed and celebrated. It is thus looking at the everyday that this work makes sense of those boundaries, knowing, however, that they are permeated with contradictions and may be enacted in different ways by different people. The everyday, which usually receives our daily inattention, will be considered here a relevant analytical category through which undertake this research. Indeed, the everyday cannot be reduced to the unimportant or the banal, as mere residual or the remnants of the political. Rather, it is profoundly related to all activities, and encompasses them with all their differences and their conflicts; it is their meeting place, their bond, their common ground (Lefebvre, 1991: 97), and it thus provides for connection and mediation between categories often presented as dichotomies such as public and private, the exceptional and the routine (Lefebvre, 2008: 16). It is in and through the everyday that those tensions are played, the disputes are fought and appropriations and even transformation take place. The research was undertaken in Sarajevo and Mostar, two of the main cities in BiH. More specifically, this research looks at everyday places within these cities, such as schools, streets, squares, cafés, coach station and shopping malls, which might be enacted as the very (ethnonational, local/international) boundaries or the arena in which those boundaries are diverted and displaced. This thesis, therefore, provides for an alternative account to more official narratives about ethnonational divisions, as well as questions clear-cut distinctions between the local and the international in post-Dayton BiH.

In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.