<p>This study examines issues arising from the popular use of technology and social networking in the classroom during lecture and its effect on student grades. Data were collected in a first year social science course. Findings of a general survey show that the use of technology and social networking during lecture is a popular form for multitasking with little impact on grades up to a certain threshold. Addressing this issue, this paper puts forth a broad historical overview of the use of leisure activities by workers during preindustrialization and industrialized capitalism. Through an examination of multitasking during lectures, this paper will assess the extent to which social norms of time discipline may be changing and the impacts this could have on the future of work organization. Activity theory is one method of guiding research in order to incorporate these multitasking activities into teaching and learning paradigms and policies for use in the classroom.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

No

The reelection of Mrs Thatcher's Conservative Government to a third term of office in June 1987 was remarkable and deserves repeated and in depth analysis. The performance of the government, and <i>Thatcherism</i> need to be seen in terms of their success in reversing Britain's relative economic decline. How have its policies sought to break the pattern of decline? Has it adopted a consistent, and distinctive approach? Is the party's unprecedented electoral success a product of its economic policies? What does the future hold? The following elements are crucial. The government has made its most important efforts in two main areas- towards the unions, and towards the fostering of the service sector of the economy. These policies, described in detail, have been important politically, and electorally (two terms which have different meanings and ramifications for the government). They are not, however, policies which are likely to provide the third Thatcher administration with automatic support in years to come. Recent accounts of the third victory have failed to recognize the precariousness of the Conservative government's position, in part exacerbated by the nature of the interests fostered the financial sector may prove to be an electoral liability, instead of an asset as before. The paper suggests that the ability of the government to win successive elections is evidence of the salience of factors which are often overlooked in political economy papers. The importance of expectations particularly in election year, of macro-economic variables controlled, to some extent, by the government, such as tax rates, and the relative unimportance of factors such as unemployment and inflation are also revealed by the Thatcher record. / Master of Arts

En même temps: Diss. phil.-hist. Bern, 2001. / Index. Bibliogr.

The aim of this research is to advance the understanding of the impacts of the industrial revolution on urban space during the period 1850-1900. This was a period of great dynamism with high levels of social and economic change, political radicalism and urban growth that had profound effects on the urban landscape. In contrast to much previous research on Victorian urban space, the case study settlements used are Edinburgh and Perth, Scottish burghs with diverse economies not dominated by a heavy industrial sector. The analysis uses data from a variety of sources including the census, valuation rolls and the Register of Sasines. It also draws insights from structuration theory by examining the spatial outcome of various processes in terms of the reflexive relationship between structural factors such as class and capitalism and the residential movements of individuals (agents). Three scales of analysis are used. Thus, meso-scale socio-spatial change is seen as affected by both macro-scale structures and micro-scale actions of agents. By constructing a series of maps and measures of the distribution of social groups at various times over the half century, the thesis demonstrates that socio-spatial differentiation increased markedly over the period. The processes driving this socio-spatial change are identified as the operations of the housing market, structured feeling and mobility. The detailed roles of each is examined. Together, it is argued these are the modalities which link structures and agents and are thus the proximate determinants of socio-spatial change.

This economic history and examination of the rubber products manufacturing industry in Peninsular Malaysia contributes to the subject of resource-based industrialization in the field of development studies. The development of the industry is traced from the 1920s to 2005 when the Second Industrial Master Plan came to an end. The findings are that local interests control 80 per cent of the industry, with foreign direct investment in the remaining 20 per cent, either as subsidiary companies of overseas manufacturers or in joint ventures with Malaysian investors. The industry has a dualistic structure, with foreign-owned and joint venture companies typically being more heavily capitalized and employing a larger workforce than wholly Malaysian-owned companies. Foreign and joint venture enterprises are more likely to export a greater volume of production than local firms. Nevertheless, the industry as a whole has a strong export-orientation and Malaysian-based exporters sell into markets worldwide. A detailed examination of the industrial components production sector by means of a questionnaire indicates that Malaysian producers rely on the Malaysian Rubber Board for the transfer of manufacturing technology. Technology transfer in the foreign and joint venture sector is from parent companies and joint venture associates overseas. The conclusion is that the rubber manufacturing industry is vertically integrated with local production of natural rubber used as raw material to produce a range of goods for sale to domestic and international markets. The 80 per cent Malaysian component indicates a stable domestic industry ably supported by local technology resources.

This study addresses itself to several issues in relation to public education in the United States. First, it examines the basic social philosophies underlying the development of mass education in the United States. Secondly, it asks the question: what is the purpose of public education? Thirdly, it relates the development of public education to a dominant source of social change--industrialization, and examines the relationship between the structure and function of education in the 1800's and early 1900's, and the needs of the marketplace. Fourthly, it examines the relationship between the curricula of education in the 1980's and the needs of high technology in the marketplace.

De 1890 à 1964, les grands réseaux techniques s’appuient sur des processus d’industrialisation et d’urbanisation engendrant des déséquilibres requérant temps d’adaptation et aménagements pionniers propres au département de Seine & Oise dans l’aire d’attraction et de chalandise parisienne. En 1914, ces processus conjuguent réseaux traditionnels à ceux nés de la seconde industrialisation dans une modernité bâtie selon une superposition-substitution continue. De 1914 à 1944, répondant aux guerres et crises économiques, le département doit envisager reconstruction et modernisation en tenant compte de la rentabilité. L’explosion urbaine confirme la césure entre habitat et emploi, et l’allongement croissant des déplacements pose la question de la mobilité. Les anciens réseaux répondaient mal aux revendications des usagers (confort, transports, communication), à l’origine d’une synthèse de systèmes techniques de la vapeur, de l’électricité et du téléphone. La modernité intégrant la vitesse prônait la flexibilité de la voiture face au rail.Les réseaux qui avaient défini la modernité urbaine requéraient des espaces proches des anciennes sources d’énergie (eau, charbon) aux possibilités d’extension limitées. Ceux issus des sciences et des technologies du 20e siècle (l’électricité et le nucléaire) obligeaient à trouver des espaces de réserve importants que les vallées fluviales saturées ne pouvaient offrir. Une remontée vers les côtes et les plateaux permettait ces développements qui dorénavant échappaient en partie au département de par l’échelle de leurs débouchés (Saclay, Fontenay aux Roses, Orsay). Communication et information allaient transformer l’espace et le temps pour les intégrer désormais à une échelle plus nationale (voire internationale) comme le prouve la décision de 1964 de diviser le département en trois nouveaux espaces: les Yvelines, l’Essonne et le Val d’Oise à travers énergies et savoirs scientifiques nouveaux. / From 1890 to 1964 major technical networks relied on industrialization and urbanization processes generating inbalances that required adaptation periods and pioneering planing charasteristic of the Seine 1 Oise in the parisian attraction and market radius.In1914, these processes combined traditional networks with those brought bu the second industrialization within a type of modernity fouded on a continuous superposition-substitution.From 1914 to 1944, to meet wars and economic crises, the departement had to consider rebuildind and modernization while taking cost effectiverness into account Urban explosion confirmed the gap between the home and the working-place, while the increasing extension of commuting raised the problem of mobility. Former networks failed to meet the claims of users (about confort, transportation and communication), which resulted in a synthesis of technical systems based on vapour, electricity end the telephone. The modern system including speed advocated the flexibility of cars as compard to trains.The networks which had designed urban modernity required areras located next to former energy sources (water, coal) which had limited capacities of extension. Those stemming from twentieth- century sciences and technologies (electricity and nuclear power) compelled to find significant storing areas which could not be provided by overcrowed fluvial valleys. Moving up towards hills and plateaus made such an evolution possible, and to some extent relrased it from the management of the departement because of the scale of their outlets (Saclay, Fontenay aux Roses, Orsay).Space and time were going to be transformed by communication and information to become part of a more national (even international) scale, as was proved by the 1964 décision of dividing the departement into three new areas, Yvelines, Essonne end Val d4oise, through new energies and scientific knowledge.

[pt] O pernambucano Othon Lynch Bezerra de Mello tornou-se proprietário de quatro fábricas de tecidos no decorrer da década de 1920, todas no estado de Pernambuco. O empresário fez fortuna nas décadas de 1930 e 1940, momento de grande expansão dos negócios em direção aos estados do Rio de Janeiro, local em que adquiriu a Companhia Agrícola e Industrial Magalhães, rebatizada de Fábrica Esther, Minas Gerais onde foi instalada a Fábrica de Tecidos Maria Amália e Alagoas onde adquiriu a Fábrica Fernão Velho, rebatizada de Fábrica Carmen. A venda e fabricação de tecidos nesse período garantiram a Bezerra de Mello um grande acúmulo de capitais com os quais decidiu diversificar os negócios. Na década de 1940, o Grupo Othon se constituía de duas Companhias Têxteis: o Cotonifício Othon Bezerra de Mello e a Companhia de Fiação e Tecelagem Bezerra de Mello, além de usinas de açúcar e investimentos na produção de energia, agropecuária e seguros. Nos anos de 1940, o industrial decidiu investir também no ramo da hotelaria, utilizando, para tanto, o capital acumulado no setor têxtil, de onde surgiria a imponente Rede de Hotéis Othon. Para além da construção de uma história empresarial, esta tese representa o esforço de pôr em evidência as estreitas relações entre industrialização, trabalho, política e sociedade, utilizando como um dos recursos elucidar e interpretar aspectos dos modos de vida e visões de mundo dos trabalhadores e do empresário, em suas formas autônomas e institucionalizadas, verificando-se em um período considerável de tempo as mediações entre sua experiência cotidiana e a presença como classe na cena política nacional. / [en] Othon Lynch Bezerra de Mello became the owner of four textile mills during the 1920s, all in the state of Pernambuco. The entrepreneur made his fortune in the 1930s and 1940s, a time of great expansion of business toward the states of Rio de Janeiro, where they acquired the Company for Agricultural and Industrial Magellan renamed Factory Esther, Minas Gerais where the factory was installed fabrics Maria Amalia and Alagoas where Ferdinand acquired the Old Factory, renamed Carmen. The sale and manufacture of fabrics that period ensured the Bezerra de Mello a large accumulation of capital with which decided to diversify the business. In the 1940s, the group was made up of two Othon Companies Textiles: The cotton mill Othon Bezerra de Mello and Spinning and Weaving Company Bezerra de Mello, besides sugar and investments in energy, agriculture and insurance. In the 1940s, the industry also decided to invest in the hotel business, using for this purpose, the accumulated capital in the textile sector, where the stately arise Network Othon Hotels. Apart from building a business history, this thesis represents the effort to highlight the close relationship between industrialization, labor, politics and society, using as a resource to elucidate and interpret aspects of lifestyles and worldviews of workers and the entrepreneur, in their autonomous and institutionalized forms, checking into a considerable period of time mediations between their everyday experience and presence in class as national political scene.

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