Den första februari år 2015 infördes, i linje med motsvarande reglering i engelska Takeover Code, ett förbud mot budrelaterade arrangemang i takeover-reglerna. Vilka avtal förbudet omfattar och i vilka fall dispens kan beviljas utreds i det här arbetet. Bland annat på grund av dess nära relation till den svenska regleringen har dess engelska förebild getts en central roll i analysen. Några av de viktigaste slutsatserna är att irrevocables inte torde omfattas av förbudet och att vissa krav för hur budrelaterade arrangemang får utformas torde gälla även i de situationer då dispens enligt kommentaren till förbudet kan beviljas.

This study is a chronicle of the efforts of R. Walton Moore and the Roosevelt Administration to liberalize the conservative Virginia Democratic Party during the 1930's. Moore was an elderly politician and amateur historian who had been in and out politics in the state for over forty years. He was opposed at every turn in his efforts by state Democratic Party organization leader Senator Harry F. Byrd, and his conservative colleague Senator Carter Glass. Both Glass and Byrd opposed most New Deal legislation throughout the decade. Moore served officially as Assistant Secretary of State and Counselor to the State Department, but his unofficial role was an advocate for Virginia's anti-organization Democrats. These Democrats were generally supportive of the New Deal and its programs, but wielded little political power because of the tight control with which Byrd and Glass distributed patronage. This essay traces Moore's three major efforts to align the Democratic Party in the Old Dominion closer to the Roosevelt Administration.

The aim of this thesis is to explore employment relations in young, growth-oriented, technology-driven (high-tech) start-ups. It takes a closer look at the exchange relationship between founders and their first employees in this specific context. At its core, the research is interested in employees motivation to work for a growth-oriented start-up and their understanding of the employment deal. The study uses the psychological contract as an analytical framework to gain deeper insights into individuals perceptions of this deal. The research is embedded within an interpretivist paradigm and includes eight case studies involving growth-oriented high-tech start-ups in Berlin and London. For each case, in-depth interviews with three full-time employees as well as the founder(s) were conducted. The findings of this thesis demonstrate that the employment deal in growth-oriented start-ups is a short-term, faith-driven contract, which differs substantially from the current understanding of the psychological contract. In contrast to the long-term or open-ended contract often offered by larger, more established organisations, this deal has a defined expiration date . Moreover, the findings challenge the current understandings on remuneration, relationship building and power dynamics within growth-oriented start-ups and add to the literature by offering a re-conceptualisation of the psychological contract. This thesis helps to inform prospective employees about the advantages and challenges of joining a start-up and encourages entrepreneurs to further tailor their management and compensation strategies.

Master of Arts / Department of History / James E. Sherow / Whether as a “progressive” or an anti-New Dealer, Casement was always primarily concerned with creating a stable business climate for the beef industry––even though his ideas on methodology changed. Beginning in the 1920s, he argued for the preservation of republican virtue through the language of eugenics. Eugenics may be broadly defined as “the science of the improvement of the human race by better breeding.” During the Progressive era, Casement primarily supported structural reforms such as conservation and federal regulation of industry. After WWI he became increasingly concerned with the moral direction of the country and believed that stricter individual responsibility—encouraged by limited government—along with eugenic-inspired reforms were necessary to restore the country’s republican virtue. In Casement’s view, the New Deal inaugurated a governmental takeover of private property through unfair taxes for wealth redistribution and production controls that sapped individual initiative, thereby weakening an already weakened populace—especially in the agricultural sector.

This thesis seeks to show the pattern of red-baiting used in the United States to counter various forms of "subversive" social change. The paper illustrates how the issue of anti-communism was used as a political tool on the national level, and this tactic would trickle down to the state and local level, specifically into the public school systems. Focusing on Orleans Parish public schools, the narrative of red-baiting and anti-communist rhetoric is brought to life through the trials of Fortier High School. This study will chronicle how teachers became the tools of nation-building through state-sponsored "Americanism" programs. Students of Fortier and other high schools in the region were taught that to be American means specifically not to be Communist. This then is a contribution to the continuity of the politics of anti-communism in the United States from the New Deal to the Cold War eras.

ABSTRACT This thesis evaluates the effectiveness of public sector anti-corruption reform efforts in democratic South Africa. These reforms are contextualized within the international theory, literature and policy debate that has emerged over the past decade on the control of corruption within the context of democratic governance. To evaluate the effectiveness of anti-corruption reforms the thesis first covers a number of broad themes including: conceptions, causes and consequences of corruption; main theoretical approaches underpinning anti-corruption reforms; and methodologies to evaluate the effectiveness and seriousness of anti-corruption efforts. Specifically focusing on South Africa, the thesis looks at the nature and extent of corruption both pre and post 1994; recent legislative, institutional, and policy interventions to control public sector corruption; and, as an illustrative case study of grand corruption, an in-depth analysis of the government’s handling of allegations of corruption in the Strategic Defense Procurement Package or “arms deal.” The findings of the thesis are mixed: I argue that democracy is a necessary albeit insufficient condition for effectively fighting corruption. Although South Africa has an impressive array of institutions, laws and policies to counter public sector corruption, the most important ingredient for successful reforms, namely an indication of sustained political will, is not yet fully in evidence. The government’s mishandling of allegations of corruption in the arms deal is a case in point, suggesting chronic weaknesses on the part of institutions such as parliament to safeguard the public interest. Lack of regulation in the funding of political parties remains the “Achilles heel” of anti-corruption reform efforts. So far as concerns further theoretical framing of corruption studies I conclude that a focus on social empowerment (Johnston) in the context of democratic consolidation, including an active civil society and vigilant media, is crucial for the effective fight against corruption in new democracies such as South Africa.

Thesis advisor: Alan Lawson / Before the Civil Rights Movement began in the mid-1950s, an early movement led by white southern liberals fought for social and economic equality between the races. These men and women defied the stereotypes of bigoted white southerners and gradualist appeasers and challenged the norms and social customs of their region. Unfortunately, their legacy and accomplishments have largely been overshadowed by dramatic events of 1950s and 1960s. This thesis seeks to reexamine their work in view of their courage and unwavering determination to bring justice and equality to the South. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History Honors Program. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: History.

Nesta dissertação analisamos as relações culturais construídas pelo escritor e diplomata colombiano Germán Arciniegas com os meios intelectuais argentinos entre 1939 e 1960, concentrando o estudo nas mediações culturais promovidas por ele. No primeiro momento as atividades de Arciniegas estiveram relacionadas com as funções diplomáticas e contemplaram o controle de informação sobre o governo colombiano e a promoção de tratados comerciais. Mas foram assuntos relativos à arte a à literatura os que concentraram os esforços de Arciniegas para estimular o diálogo e o conhecimento das tradições culturais de cada país. No segundo momento Arciniegas continuou impulsionando a integração intelectual, articulando a própria carreira e as perspectivas da consagração aos editores argentinos, e transmitindo uma imagem da história e da cultura argentina ao público do jornal colombiano El Tiempo. / This work analyses the intellectual relationships built by Colombian writer and diplomat Germán Arciniegas with Argentinian cultural institutions between 1939 and 1960. It focuses on cultural mediations arranged by him. Although initially his activities were related to diplomatic functions and contemplated the control of information about the Colombian government and the promotion of commercial deals, artistic and literary issues became what concentrated Arciniega´s efforts to stimulate the dialogue and knowledge of the cultural traditions of both countries. Subsequently, Arciniegas continues to promote intellectual integration by articulating his own career and perspective of intellectual success with Argentinian publishers, becoming the Colombian consultant for the editors and transmitting an image of Argentinian history and culture to the Colombian journal El Tiempo´s public. The work explores the political-ideological means of these activities and partnerships by the analysis of Arciniega´s correspondence archive

This dissertation offers a new account of New York City's politics and government in the 1930s and 1940s. Focusing on the development of the functions and capacities of the municipal state, it examines three sets of interrelated political changes: the triumph of "municipal reform" over the institutions and practices of the Tammany Hall political machine and its outer-borough counterparts; the incorporation of hundreds of thousands of new voters into the electorate and into urban political life more broadly; and the development of an ambitious and capacious public sector--what Joshua Freeman has recently described as a "social democratic polity." It places these developments within the context of the national New Deal, showing how national officials, responding to the limitations of the American central state, utilized the planning and operational capacities of local governments to meet their own imperatives; and how national initiatives fed back into subnational politics, redrawing the bounds of what was possible in local government as well as altering the strength and orientation of local political organizations. The dissertation thus seeks not only to provide a more robust account of this crucial passage in the political history of America's largest city, but also to shed new light on the history of the national New Deal--in particular, its relation to the urban social reform movements of the Progressive Era, the long-term effects of short-lived programs such as work relief and price control, and the roles of federalism and localism in New Deal statecraft.

This study investigates two variables, number of investors and an intangible assets/revenue ratio, that are potential industry-specific predictors of deal failure in technology M&A. I document that number of investors has a significant ability to predict deal failure in all M&A transactions: an increase in number of investors decreases deal failure rates. However, I find that neither variable is able to significantly predict deal failure differently for transactions involving technology targets and those involving non-technology targets. Broadly, my findings suggest that technology M&A and non-technology M&A may share more similarities than previously expected in the ultimate goal of properly evaluating them.