No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

'They Saw Themselves as Workers' explores the development of black membership in the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) in the wake of the "Uprising of the 30,000" garment strike of 1933-34, as well as the establishment of independent black labor or labor-related organizations during the mid-late 1930s. The locus for the growth of black ILGWU membership was Harlem, where there were branches of Local 22, one of the largest and the most diverse ILGWU local. Harlem was also where the Negro Labor Committee (NLC) was established by Frank Crosswaith, a leading black socialist and ILGWU organizer. I provide some background, but concentrate on the aftermath of the marked increase in black membership in the ILGWU during the 1933-34 garment uprising and end in 1940, when blacks confirmed their support of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and when the labor-oriented National Negro Congress (NNC) was irrevocably split by struggles over communist influence. By that time, the NLC was also struggling, due to both a lack of support from trade unions and friendly organizations, as well as the fact that the Committee was constrained by the political views and personal grudges of its founder. Yet, during the period examined in "They Saw Themselves as Workers," the ILGWU and its Local 22 thrived. Using primary sources including the records of the ILGWU and various locals, the NLC, and the NNC, I argue that educational programming was largely responsible for the ILGWU's success during the 1930s, not political ideology, as others have argued. In fact, I assert that political ideology was often detrimental to organizations like the NLC and NNC, alienating many blacks during a period when they increasingly shifted their allegiance to the Democratic Party. Conversely, through educational programming that brought unionists of various racial and ethnic backgrounds together and celebrated their differences, the ILGWU assimilated new African American members and strengthened interracial working-class solidarity. That programming included such ostensibly apolitical activities as classes, dances, musical and theatrical performances, sporting events, and trips to resorts and places of cultural interest. Yet, by attracting workers who wanted to expand their minds and enjoy their lives outside of work to combat the misery of the Depression, the ILGWU cemented their devotion to the union and its agenda. Thus, through activities that were not overtly political, the ILGWU drew workers into the labor movement, and ultimately into the New Deal coalition in support of President Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. As the union flourished, part of an increasingly influential labor movement, it offered African American workers a better path to political power than the Negro Labor Committee or the National Negro Congress during the mid-late 1930s. / History

This dissertation re-examines the history of the American Liberty League, building upon observations in recent works by Kimberly Phillips-Fein and David Farber that trace the origins of the modern American conservative political movement back to the reaction against the New Deal programs implemented by Franklin Roosevelt. The Liberty League, it is argued here, established a tradition of what I describe as Constitutional conservatism. The Liberty League, established in 1934 with the expressed purpose of "upholding the Constitution," represented the most forceful and coherent contemporary resistance against a trend toward centralization of power in the federal government and the executive branch that took shape during the Progressive Era and was cemented by the New Deal. Historians writing about conservatism in the the U.S. have most often highlighted other explanations for the motivations underpinning the movement, most notably the "racial backlash" thesis, but a theme of Constitutional conservatism can be traced through many of the conservative political organizations that have emerged in the United States since the demise of the Liberty League in 1936. The first chapter discusses the origins of the Liberty League, which to a considerable extent evolved out of the Association Against the Prohibition Movement. In addition to their shared focus on Constitutional issues, the two organizations utilized the same tactics and showed considerable overlap in terms of membership, leadership and financial backing. Leaders of the organization, discussed in a separate chapter, included Jouett Shouse, William Stayton, Al Smith, Raoul Desvernine, along with a number of wealthy industrialists that provided financial backing, including Pierre du Pont, his brother Irénée du Pont, John Raskob and E. F. Hutton. Further chapters examine the activities of the local and state branches of the Liberty League, the League's attempts to coordinate efforts with other organizations professing a desire for upholding the Constitution and analysis of the publications produced and distributed by the Liberty League. While the organization was funded largely by a small group of wealthy individuals with a vested interest in protecting their vast fortunes, the Liberty League devoted itself in practice to arguing in favor of the more strict interpretation of the Constitution that had largely prevailed in the United States before the New Deal era. Of course, the League failed utterly to convince the electorate, as evidenced by the overwhelming electoral triumph achieved by President Roosevelt in 1936, but it's relentless attempts to highlight the perceived excesses of the New Deal helped fill the void left by the virtual absence of any meaningful Republican opposition, perhaps helping to place some limits on the extent of the New Deal and laying the ground work for future generations of conservatives that continue to draw on the theme of Constitutional conservatism in their efforts to turn back some of the advances made by proponents of a more activist federal government during the Twentieth Century. / History

This thesis investigates the intricate relationship between biodiversity and businesses within the regulatory realm. The study will specifically look into new compliances imposed by international organisations such as The Kunming-Montreal Global Framework for Biodiversity, the Biodiversity strategy for 2030 in the European Green Deal and the upcoming Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive. A meticulous literature review and thorough semi-constructed interviews were conducted and combined in the analysis. The research applies an Institutional theory framework and aims to seek the implications of institutional pressures. Furthermore, findings suggest collaboration and the use of external actors such as consultants are of importance in adaption. Challenges found highlight the need for standardised measurements, assistance to handle data and the lack of economic incentives. This study provides insightful findings in understanding how the current and upcoming biodiversity compliance affects businesses in Europe. Future research should focus on specific industry sectors, regions, and business sizes, investigate the dialogue between businesses and regulators, explore how businesses impact their external environment, and examine how they navigate new and unclear regulations.

This thesis used discourse analysis to critically study language in use in the Swedish forest policy debate. This was done by applying Maarten Hajer ́s argumentative discourse analysis and his concepts of discourse coalitions, storylines, and discourse institutionalization. The analysis concentrates on different actors’ input in the political debate after the launch of the EU Green Deal in 2019. The debate on Swedish forest policies have been going on for decades and are characterized by seemingly locked positions and actors defending their standpoints in different forums. Four competing discourses were identified: the bioeconomy discourse, the market competition discourse, the biodiversity discourse, and the rights of nature discourse. The dominating discourse is the bioeconomy discourse, which can be determined by its presence in Sweden’s national forest plan and further, in strategies determining the forest management. One puzzling finding is that the Swedish government together with the forest industry actively tries to hamper regulations and directives under the Green Deal, despite being positive about the bioeconomy pathway promoted by the EU. This suggests that even if Swedish policymaking processes are influenced by certain meta-discourses, bioeconomy is portrayed in different ways and cannot be generalized. Results from this study contributes with insights to the contemporary debate in a time when increased regulations demands policy reformations. Conclusions suggests that if Sweden’s National Forest Plan is to be in line with the EU Green Deal, large revisions are required. Critical policy studies that scrutinize the policymaking process could support the process by opening for other ways of imagining the future of Swedish forests.

Diese Arbeit beginnt mit einer Analyse von stochastischen Rückwärtsdifferentialgleichungen (BSDEs) mit Sprüngen, getragen von zufälligen Maßen mit ggf. unendlicher Aktivität und zeitlich inhomogenem Kompensator. Unter konkreten, in Anwendungen leicht verifizierbaren Bedingungen liefern wir Existenz-, Eindeutigkeits- und Vergleichsergebnisse beschränkter Lösungen für eine Klasse von Generatorfunktionen, die nicht global Lipschitz-stetig im Sprungintegranden sein brauchen. Der übrige Teil der Arbeit behandelt robuste Bewertung und Hedging in unvollständigen Märkten. Wir verfolgen den No-Good-Deal-Ansatz, der Good-Deal-Grenzen liefert, indem nur eine Teilmenge der risikoneutralen Maße mit ökonomischer Bedeutung betrachtet wird (z.B. Grenzen für instantanen Sharpe-Ratio, optimale Wachstumsrate oder erwarteten Nutzen). Durchweg untersuchen wir ein Konzept des Good-Deal-Hedgings für welches Hedgingstrategien als Minimierer geeigneter dynamischer Risikomaße auftreten, was optimale Risikoteilung mit der Markt erlaubt. Wir zeigen, dass Hedging mindestens im-Mittel-selbstfinanzierend ist, also, dass Hedgefehler unter geeigneten A-priori-Bewertungsmaßen eine Supermartingaleigenschaft haben. Wir leiten konstruktive Ergebnisse zu Good-Deal-Bewertung und -Hedging im Rahmen von Prozessen mit Sprüngen durch BSDEs mit Sprüngen, sowie im Brown''schen Fall mit Driftunsicherheit durch klassische BSDEs und mit Volatilitätsunsicherheit durch BSDEs zweiter Ordnung her. Wir liefern neue Beispiele, die insbesondere für versicherungs- und finanzmathematische Anwendungen von Bedeutung sind. Bei Ungewissheit des Real-World-Maßes führt ein Worst-Case-Ansatz bei Annahme mehrerer Referenzmaße zu Good-Deal-Hedging, welches robust bzgl. Unsicherheit, im Sinne von gleichmäßig über alle Referenzmaße mindestens im-Mittel-selbstfinanzierend, ist. Daher ist bei hinreichend großer Driftunsicherheit Good-Deal-Hedging zur Risikominimierung äquivalent. / This thesis starts by an analysis of backward stochastic differential equations (BSDEs) with jumps driven by random measures possibly of infinite activity with time-inhomogeneous compensators. Under concrete conditions that are easy to verify in applications, we prove existence, uniqueness and comparison results for bounded solutions for a class of generators that are not required to be globally Lipschitz in the jump integrand. The rest of the thesis deals with robust valuation and hedging in incomplete markets. The focus is on the no-good-deal approach, which computes good-deal valuation bounds by using only a subset of the risk-neutral measures with economic meaning (e.g. bounds on instantaneous Sharpe ratios, optimal growth rates, or expected utilities). Throughout we study a notion of good-deal hedging consisting in minimizing some dynamic risk measures that allow for optimal risk sharing with the market. Hedging is shown to be at least mean-self-financing in that hedging errors satisfy a supermartingale property under suitable valuation measures. We derive constructive results on good-deal valuation and hedging in a jump framework using BSDEs with jumps, as well as in a Brownian setting with drift uncertainty using classical BSDEs and with volatility uncertainty using second-order BSDEs. We provide new examples which are particularly relevant for actuarial and financial applications. Under ambiguity about the real-world measure, a worst-case approach under multiple reference priors leads to good-deal hedging that is robust w.r.t. uncertainty in that it is at least mean-self-financing uniformly over all priors. This yields that good-deal hedging is equivalent to risk-minimization if drift uncertainty is sufficiently large.

Cette étude porte sur les expositions photographiques produites par le gouvernement américain entre 1935 et 1942. Ces expositions avaient pour but de promouvoir les activités entreprises par l’administration Roosevelt dans le cadre de son programme de relance économique. L’étude est constituée de trois grandes parties : la première présente les enjeux politiques et sociaux du New Deal et éclaire les défis auxquels les propagandistes du gouvernement Roosevelt ont été confrontés. Elle montre alors l’intérêt et la fonction que la photographie et l’exposition ont eu dans le programme de propagande. La seconde présente le rôle joué par les expositions universelles dans le développement des techniques scénographiques employées par l’administration. La dernière porte sur les expositions artistiques du gouvernement et sur leur valeur propagandiste. / This study focuses on photographic exhibitions produced by the US government between 1935 and 1942. These exhibitions aimed to publicize the Roosevelt administration’s economic stimulus program. The study is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the political and social issues of the New Deal while shedding light on the challenges faced by the propagandists in the Roosevelt administration, as well as the appeal and function of photography and exhibitions in its propaganda program. The second part considers the role played by world fairsin the development of design techniques employed by the administration. The final section addresses the government’s artistic exhibitions and their value as propaganda.

Cette thèse suit l’évolution et la transmission du concept de GND à travers le temps et l’espace via l’analyse des documents produits par les groupes GND de Grande Bretagne, d’Irlande et d’Irlande du Nord dans une perspective comparative. La thèse intègre des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives, dont des entretiens semistructurés, l’analyse lexicométrique et une forme adaptée de l’Analyse Critique du Discours afin de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment les discours et les idéologies des 'Green New Deals' de l'Irlande, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande du Nord peuvent-ils être compris en relation les uns aux autres et dans leurs contextes respectifs ? » La thèse explore l'influence des contextes et des groupes sur les discours et le contenu idéologique des textes Green New Deal, et avance l’argument que bien que les Green New Deals aient, à des degrés divers, le potentiel pour constituer la première étape d'une transition sur le long terme vers une économie politique juste et verte, ils se doivent de développer certains thèmes pour permettre à leur potentiel transformateur d’opérer, au lieu de renforcer les idéologies actuellement dominantes. / This thesis follows the evolution and transmission of the Green New Deal concept through time and space by examining the British, Irish and Northern Irish Green New Deal documents from a comparative perspective. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods including Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and the collection of elite oral history interviews to respond to the guiding question, “How can the discourses and embedded ideologies of the Green New Deals of the Republic of Ireland, Great Britain and Northern Ireland be understood in relation to one another and their respective contexts?”. The thesis explores the influence of contexts and groups on the discourses and ideological contents of the Green New Deal texts, ultimately finding that though the Green New Deals have the potential to act as transitional documents in a move towards a just green political economy, further work must be done to develop key themes in the texts and ensure they realise their transformative potential rather than simply reinforcing currently dominant ideologies.