This paper analyses the EU’s European Green Deal and the changes to Food production it seeks to implement in its Farm to Fork Strategy, introduced in 2019. Attempting to establish whether or not it will enable them to succeed in meeting their goal of a 55% reduction of Green House Gas Emissions by 2030. The analysis on the EU’s food production system is done using a theory which looks at the production efficiency, the shift of diets and the reduction of food waste that the strategy seeks to implement. Arguing that specific shifts in these categories must be made if the EU’s climate goals are to be met. This is then compared to the actual policies implemented in the Farm to Fork Strategy. The thesis concludes that, while the EU succeeds in its food waste preventions as well as some aspects of its production efficiency, it is lacking in its strategy regarding shifting diets and that, in order to meet its climate goals, substantial shifts will need to be made in this category.

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Lloyd Raymond "Bill" Ney's mural New London Facets was commissioned for the New London, Ohio post office through the Treasury Department-run New Deal program, the Section of Fine Arts (the Section), and is the only mural that program officials considered abstract. An examination of the mural today reveals that the label of "abstract" may be a bit extreme; objects in the piece have been abstracted but the mural as a whole is not at all strictly non-representational. This discrepancy and the ensuing controversy over Ney's mural reveal much about the sensitivity of Section officials to abstraction and to subjects outside genre or allegorical scenes typical of Section commissions. Correspondence between Ney and Section officials indicate a fear in the Section that the public would reject and fail to understand or relate to anything outside of the representational norm, a belief against which Ney adamantly and successfully argued. As a result, the Section made its lone exception in the case of Ney and New London Facets. While Ney did not achieve national renown as an artist within his lifetime, his work is still exhibited and auctioned relatively regularly in his hometown of New Hope, Pennsylvania. With the exception of Karal Ann Marling's description of the New London Facets incident in her book Wall to Wall America: A Cultural History of Post-Office Murals in the Great Depression, there is nothing significant published on Ney or his mural. With this thesis I hope to raise awareness of Ney as an artist, provide readers with a complete understanding of the New London Facets commission and approval, and explore the relationship between abstraction and the New Deal art programs. / Art History

Between the 1930s and mid-1980s, North Carolina became one of the most industrialized states in the country, with more factory workers, as a percentage of the total workforce, than any other state. And yet, North Carolina generally retained its rural complexion, with small factories dispersed throughout the countryside, instead of concentrated in large industrial cities. This dissertation asks two essential questions: first, how did this rural-industrial geography come to be, and second, what does the creation of this geography reveal about the state of the American political economy in the post-World War II era? I argue that rural industrialization was a central goal of North Carolina’s postwar political leaders and economic development officials. These industry hunters, as I call them, wanted to raise their state’s per capita income by recruiting manufacturers to develop or relocate operations in North Carolina. At the same time, they worried about developing large industrial cities or mill villages, associating them with class conflict, congestion, and a host of other ill-effects. In the hopes of attracting industry to its countryside, the state invested heavily in its secondary roads and highways, increasing the accessibility of rural communities. In their pursuit of rural industrialization, however, North Carolina also constructed a political economy that anticipated the collapse of the New Deal state. While historians typically see New Deal liberalism as the prevailing form of statecraft in the postwar United States, North Carolina achieved economic growth through a model that state officials termed “accessible isolation.” What accessible isolation meant was that North Carolina would provide industries with enough of a state apparatus to make operating a factory in a rural area possible, while maintaining policies of low taxes, limited regulations, and anti-unionism, to make those sites desirable. Essentially, industry hunters offered industrial prospects access to a supply of cheap rural labor, but isolation from the high wages, labor unions, government regulations, and progressive tax code that defined New Deal liberalism. Accessible isolation was attractive to businesses in postwar America because it offered a “business-friendly” alternative to the New Deal, and factories began sprouting throughout rural North Carolina. But the success of accessible isolation was built on a shaky foundation. Indeed, most of the employers persuaded by its promises were those in low-wage, labor-intensive industries, making North Carolina’s rural communities especially vulnerable to transformations in the global economy by the late twentieth century. / History

The objective of this study is to identify newspapers who supported or opposed portions of the New Deal from 1932 to 1938. Nine newspapers from various geographic areas were consulted. Chapter II discusses the 1932 campaign, in which all newspapers supported Roosevelt. Chapter III discusses the First New Deal, in which widespread support was evidenced. Chapter IV discusses the Second New Deal, in which criticism appeared. Chapter V discusses the 1936 campaign, in which only one newspaper opposed Roosevelt. Chapter VI discusses three post-1936 issues. The study determined that Texas newspapers became more critical during the 1930s. The central hypothesis, that urban newspapers were more critical of urban measures and rural newspapers of rural measures, was rejected.

This thesis concentrates on a local union of the International Association of Machinists (IAM), District Lodge 776, of Fort Worth, Texas, during the war years. The main argument of the thesis runs along three basic lines. First, it demonstrates that the experiences of the Fort Worth Machinists clearly fit into the national labor movement during the war years. Second, it argues that the existence, survival, and strength of the union depended greatly on outside forcesan expanding national economy, a powerful national union, and a generally labor-friendly government. Third, it shows that union officers and rank-and-file members used their bases of strengththe national economy, the national IAM, and the federal governmentto build an effective local labor organization.

This thesis is an attempt to render theatrically the establishment and eventual dissolution of the Federal Theatre Project, from the point of view of its appointed director Hallie Flanagan. Drawn from a variety of historical sources, including subjective first-person accounts and objective transcripts of congressional investigation testimony, the play approximates the structure of the Living Newspaper, a style of presentation adopted by the Federal Theatre Project. This thesis also includes an appendix, which details my playwriting process for this particular play, from initial concept through to production.

Ce travail de recherche explore le thème des négociations dans les opérations de fusion et acquisition et leurs résultats en termes d’aboutissement de l’opération. Le premier chapitre de la présente thèse porte sur la volonté de vendre des actionnaires de l’entreprise cible et cherche à mesurer l’influence de cette caractéristique sur le dénouement des négociations au travers des trois éléments suivants : la probabilité de succès de l’offre, le montant de la prime et l’effet net sur le niveau de richesse des actionnaires de la société cible, en tenant compte de l’intensité concurrentielle entre les acquéreurs potentiels. Le second chapitre de la présente thèse explore la relation entre la durée du processus denégociation et la probabilité de succès de l’offre, mettant l’accent sur l’importance de la phase privée des négociations qui se déroule avant l’annonce publique de l’opération. Enfin, le troisième chapitre cherche à déterminer le lien entre la structure de rémunération des dirigeants et l’attention qu’ilsprêtent aux réactions des marchés financiers en modifiant ou non leurs décisions d’investissement en matière de fusions-acquisitions. Notre travail de recherche contribue à améliorer la compréhension des résultats observables dans les opérations de fusion et acquisition en apportant des facteurs nouveaux qui influencent la probabilité de succès d’une offre, notamment, la volonté de se vendre de l’entreprise cible et le temps passé dans l’interaction directe avec les acquéreurs potentiels. Ce travail souligne également l'importance des motivations des agents économiques dans le processus d'allocation des ressources et permet de vérifier la pertinence du lien qui existe entre les mécanismes d’incitation financière et la qualité des décisions managériales / This research work explores the theme of negotiations in mergers and acquisitions and their outcome in terms of deal completion. The first chapter focuses on the target company’s willingness to sell and seeks to measure its influence on the outcome of negotiations through the following three elements:the probability of bid success, the amount of premium paid and the resulting net wealth effect for thetarget shareholders, taking into account the intensity of competition between potential acquirers. The second chapter explores the relationship between the duration of the negotiation process and the likelihood of deal completion, putting emphasis on the private part of the negotiation process that takes place before the public announcement of the deal. Finally, in the third chapter we aim todetermine the relationship that may exist between the executive compensation structure and the amount of attention they pay to the financial markets by changing or not their present investment decisions with regard to mergers and acquisitions. This research contributes to improving our understanding of the outcome of mergers and acquisitions, bringing new factors that influence theprobability of bid success, namely, the willingness of the target’s shareholders to sell and the time spent in the direct interaction with potential buyers. This work also highlights the importance of acknowledging economic agents’ motivations (both for the acquirer and the target) as determinants of observable outcomes in the resource allocation process and allows checking the relevance of financialincentive mechanisms for the quality of managerial decisions

Student Number : 9400560N - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / This research report critically analyses – through qualitative content analysis – how the Sowetan and the Mail&Guardian newspapers reported the alleged corruption in the arms deal in November 2001. The analysis includes a contextual discussion of factors shaping or influencing media coverage of important political topics in a transition to democracy. Theories of the role of the media in democratic transition inform the analysis of media coverage of the arms deal. ‘Transition’ in the context of this research report is used to refer to the process of South Africa’s ‘conversion’ from an undemocratic apartheid system based on unfair prejudices and practices grounded on class, race and gender to a ‘fair discrimination’ and application of remedial measures (political, social and economic) to correct the imbalances caused by apartheid policies. The research applies liberal pluralism, gatekeeping, public sphere, as well as Marxist-related media theories, including the critical political economy of the media approach and notes that it is not possible for a single approach to offer an absolute analysis of the role of the media in a transition to democracy. In addition, the research employs theories of news, language and society to show how social relations affect language used in news and ultimately affect notions of ‘bias’ and ‘objectivity’. The study observes that complete ‘objectivity’ as an ideal is unattainable, especially when one considers that news making processes are complex and influenced by diverse factors, some of which allow for anticipated processes of selection and inevitably, bias. This applies to the two publications under study. The report observes that through their reportage of alleged corruption in the arms deal during the month of November 2001, these newspapers attempted to open up, create and democratize the space for free inquiry. At the same time, however, it is noted that this space was dominated by certain voices and not representative of all civil society organizations and interests that had a stake in the arms deal. The report concludes that media should be encouraged to promote genuine diversity of voices. Diversity, within such a scheme, should be measured by equal and participatory dialogue from all the voices of all civil society institutions.