This thesis explores the sustainability challenges and opportunities within the data center sector, with a specific focus on Atea, a leading player in the digital infrastructure industry. As organizations increasingly depend on IT systems for operational efficiency, the environmental impact of data centers has come under scrutiny. With the increasing demands for sustainability driven by both market forces and stringent EU regulations, this study examines how organizations, particularly within the data center industry, can adapt to meet these emerging requirements. This study aims to contribute an understanding of strategies and measures that can be implemented to achieve more sustainable data center operations. Our research employed a qualitative methodology, incorporating both literature review and a case study to gather insights into sustainable practices in the data center industry. Atea’s role as a case study provided practical perspective on the implementation of sustainability strategies within the sector. The findings highlight significant challenges, including energy consumption, waste management, and regulatory compliance. Conversely, the study also identifies opportunities such as the adoption of green technologies, improved energy efficiency, and strategic waste reduction practices. The implications of this research are twofold: it offers a roadmap for data centers aiming to enhance their sustainability profile, and it contributes to the broader discourse on the environmental responsibilities of the IT-sector. Future research should investigate the real-world impact of new EU regulations in the data center sector, focusing on how national legislation aligns with EU requirements and their practical application by data centers.

The research examines New Labour’s Third Way policies and the impact New Deal for Communities (NDC) regeneration programme had on participation in health care. This longitudinal study (1998-2007) explores participatory joint working, welfare state, social capacity, health inequalities, citizen involvement and community capacity. It captures the experiences of local community and front-line workers whilst delivering the Health Focus Group (HFG) in the NDC programme. Using action learning reflection techniques, the study analyses a purposeful sample of 15 from the local community, front-line workers, and strategic respondents involved in the NDC health programme. The research demonstrated the NDC did increase participation, joint working and involvement of local actors 1998–2003. The importance of communication, leadership and relationships was recognised as an important catalyst for developing community governance models. The new action learning spaces initiated, designed and delivered 19 new models of joint local clinical, community and complementary health and well-being projects. In 2001, New Labour introduced public private finance initiatives with the Primary Care Trust (PCT) which conflicted with the local actors’ involvement in the participatory joint decision-making. The reconfiguration of health and social care services and the new public health models introduced complex governance and monitoring models, further distancing the local actors from the process. Strategic staff changes in key governance positions also adversely affected the communication and trust established with local actors. The research concluded operational, tactical, and strategic alignment is necessary to maximise joint participation in decision-making.

This thesis uses Fairclough’s three-dimensional model for critical discourse analysis to investigate the newly ratified EU directive Empowering the Consumers for a Green Transition (ECGT). By using the fundamental philosophical assumptions of discourse analysis, framing theory, and active audience theory, the thesis investigates how the notions of greenwashing and consumers are discursively constructed in the directive. As well as how solutions to combating greenwashing are discursively constructed. The thesis finds that greenwashing is mainly constructed as a communication-related phenomenon using misleading explicit claims in corporate and organizational communication. Furthermore, greenwashing is constituted as a misleading communication and unfair market practice rather than being related to environmental aspects. When it comes to consumers, they are attributed a key role in driving the green transition of the EU region. However, as an audience, they also lack empowerment due to their lack of inability to assess environmental claims in media texts critically. Moreover, the proposed solutions and strategies for combating greenwashing should be implemented so that it does not affect the current market mechanism. While greenwashing communication should be prohibited according to the directive, the document does not address how identified negative consumption patterns should be altered. However, the directive leaves out several greenwashing communication strategies currently being used on the market. Leaving a potential loophole for latent and more sophisticated greenwashing practices to continue. Thus implicating the EU’s explicit goal to achieve a green transition and the reduction of misleading communication practices related to the environment in the region.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2012-2013. / Ce mémoire se propose d'étudier l'évolution de la rhétorique anticommuniste à la Chambre des représentants des États-Unis de 1933 à 1947. Il s'agit d'une période névralgique de l'histoire américaine, marquée notamment par l'élection du président démocrate Franklin D. Roosevelt et la mise en place de son New Deal, vaste programme de réformes socioéconomiques destiné à endiguer les effets de la crise économique, par la participation des États-Unis à la Seconde Guerre mondiale aux côtés de l'Union soviétique et par la détérioration subséquente des relations entre les deux alliés qui plongera le monde dans l'équilibre précaire de la Guerre froide. Grâce à l'étude du Congressional Record, qui est le journal des débats du Congrès des États-Unis, ce mémoire cherche à identifier qui sont les principaux anticommunistes à la Chambre des représentants au cours de cette période, à analyser le contenu de leur discours, à percevoir l'influence des événements sur l'évolution de celui-ci et à saisir le rôle joué par la politique partisane en lien avec la question du communisme.

Le présent ouvrage cherche à démontrer comment le néo-populisme, un mouvement radical très populaire au cours de la Grande Dépression, se manifesta au Congrès des États-Unis lors des débats sur le New Deal ayant eu lieu de 1933 à 1935. Celui-ci préconisait des solutions drastiques à la Crise, soit une inflation massive, la saisie des grosses fortunes suivie de leur redistribution, ainsi que l'élimination d'une influence attribuée à Wall Street et à l'Europe sur le gouvernement fédéral, dans le but de restaurer la prospérité et de sauvegarder les bases traditionnelles du rêve américain. À la suite d'une consultation attentive du Congressional Record, il semble probable que le discours néo-populiste des parlementaires, directement inspiré de l'argumentaire populiste datant de la fin du XIXème siècle, traduisait surtout les craintes latentes de la classe politique devant le programme interventionniste du New Deal qui modifiait durablement les relations entre les Américains et leur gouvernement. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2014

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Race and politics have played an important part in shaping the history of the United States, from the first arrival of African slaves in the early seventeenth century to the election of an African-American president in 2008. The Great Depression and the New Deal represent a period that was no exception to the influence of race and politics. After Franklin Roosevelt succeeded Herbert Hoover to the American presidency, there was much faith and hope expressed on the editorial pages of the Indianapolis Recorder that African Americans would be treated fairly under the New Deal. Hope began to wane when little political patronage was dispensed, in the form of government jobs, once the Democrats took office in 1933. As the first incarnation of the New Deal progressed, African Americans continued to experience prejudice, segregation, unfair wages, and generally a “raw deal.” But what was more, African-American women and men were not given a fair opportunity to ensure for themselves better political, social, and economic standing in the future. This struggle for full-fledged citizenship was further underscored when Congress failed to pass anti-lynching legislation in 1934 and 1935. The New Dealers, Franklin Roosevelt chief among them, did not seize the opportunity presented by the Great Depression to push for civil rights and social justice for African Americans. Their intent was not necessarily malicious. A more nuanced view of the issues shows that political expedience, and a measure of indifference, led the New Dealers to not treat civil rights as the pressing issue that it was. Roosevelt and the New Dealers believed that they faced the potential for significant resistance to their economic recovery program from Southern Democrats on Capitol Hill if they tried to interfere with race relations in the South. This thesis examines the first years of the Roosevelt Administration, roughly 1933 through 1936. This timeframe was carefully chosen because it was a period when the issues surrounding race and racism were brought to the fore. In the initial period of the New Deal we can see how Roosevelt met and failed to meet the expectations of African Americans. The prevailing view among the African American leadership in 1935, argued Harvard Sitkoff, was that the federal government had “betrayed [African Americans] under the New Deal.” Sitkoff referred to these “denunciations of the New Deal by blacks” as commonplace from 1933 to 1935. But beginning with the Second New Deal in the middle 1930s the criticism turned to applause.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: We critically assess the successes and failures of the economic phenomenon that is Black Economic Empowerment as represented by the Ownership Element of the Scorecard. We briefly evaluate the successes and failures of the first wave of BEE deals on the JSE and through the use of contemporary observations of this phenomenon as reported on by the media, we make the key assumption that these media reports are an unbiased account of the phenomenon. We critically assess the current status of BEE and find that progress has been made in terms of black ownership on the JSE, as well as on the legislative front, through the introduction of a comprehensive standardised measurement framework. The progress has in the main been extremely slow and limited. We also find that whilst funding models have improved, the success of BEE deals is still to a large extent dependent on stellar performance of the Stock Exchange and generous dividend policies. Disappointingly we also find that the debate about what constitutes broad-base BEE continues unabated as most deals continue to fail to meet public expectations of broad-base empowerment and equitable equity participation by all BEE deal beneficiaries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bied 'n kritiese evaluering van die suksesse en mislukkings van die ekonomiese verskynsel genaamd swart ekonomiese bemagtiging (SEB) aan die hand van die eienaarskapelement van die telkaart. Die eerste vlaag SEB-transaksies op die Johannesburgse Effektebeurs (JEB) word kortliks beoordeel, waarna die media se eietydse waarnemings oor hierdie verskynsel tot die sleutelaanname lei dat sodanige mediaberigte 'n onbevooroordeelde weergawe van die stand van swart ekonomiese bemagtiging is. Die studie bied 'n kritiese beskouing van die huidige status van SEB, en dat daar wél vordering gemaak is met betrekking tot swart eienaarskap op die JEB, sowel as op wetgewende gebied deur die instelling van 'n omvattende, gestandaardiseerde metingsraamwerk. Vordering was egter tot op hede merendeels uiters stadig en beperk. Die studie bevind ook dat hoewel finansieringsmodelle verbeter het, die sukses van SEB-transaksies steeds in 'n groot mate van 'n goeie vertoning op die effektebeurs en ruimhartige dividendbeleid afhang. 'n Teleurstellende bevinding is dat die debat oor die werklike betekenis van breedgebaseerde SEB onverpoos voortduur namate die meeste transaksies versuim om aan die openbare verwagting van breedgebaseerde bemagtiging en gelyke aandeelhouding deur alle SEB-transaksiebegunstigdes te voldoen.

Cette thèse a pour objet la lutte pour les droits civiques dans la période qui va de la crise économique de 1929 jusqu'à l'entrée en guerre des États-Unis en 1941, et ce à travers l'examen du rôle joué par la National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) d'une part et le parti communiste américain (CPUSA) de l'autre. Si ces deux organisations se firent d'abord concurrence, s'opposèrent même parfois, comme ce fut le cas lors de l'affaire Scottsboro, certains rapprochements s'esquissèrent un peu plus tard, dans la période du Second New Deal, notamment à l'occasion du National Negro Congress, tandis que la syndicalisation des ouvriers noirs devenait possible grâce à la fondation d'une nouvelle confédération syndicale, le Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). La NAACP et le PCUS, deux organisations que tout semblait séparer, furent donc amenées à se " rencontrer " autour de la question noire, et à modifier sensiblement certaines habitudes, comportements, ou réflexes. Alors que la NAACP se rapprochait du peuple noir, les militants communistes, en acquérant sur le terrain une expérience concrète, aidèrent le Parti à modérer sa rhétorique révolutionnaire. On pourrait dire aussi que la concurrence entre la NAACP et le PC constitua une sorte de préfiguration du mouvement pour les droits civiques des années cinquante et soixante.